685' ^ " 

J) ©9 urpjjg WHITE MAN^S FOOT 

IN KANSAS." 



AN ADDRESS 

By John B. Dunbar, of Bloomfield, N. ./., 

At The Pawnee Village, Republic County, Kansas, 

September 27, 1906, Celebrating the One 

Hundredth Anniversary of the 

Flag in Kansas. 



Published by the 
Kansas State Historical Society. 






Sfibii 




STATE printing OFFICE. 
T0PP:KA, 1908. 




Book ^-1 



"THE WHITE MAN'S FOOT 

IN KANSAS." 



AN ADDRESS 

By John B. Dunbar, of Bloomfield, N. J. , 

At The Pawnee Village, Republic County, Kansas, 

September 27, 1906, Celebrating the One 

Hundredth Anniversary of the 

Flag in Kansas. 



7 



Published by the 
Kansas State Historical Society. 









state printing office, 

TOPEKA, 1908. 



Reprinted from Volume X, 
Kansas Historical Collections. 



Gift 

19Ap'09 ■ 



i THE CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION AT PIKE'S 
PAWNEE VILLAGE. 

ON the 14th of May, 1906, the people of Republic City held a public meet- 
irifj, under the auspices of the Pawnee Historical Society, and unani- 
mously resolved to celebrate the one hundredth anniversary of the visit of 
Lieut. Zebulon Montp:oniory Pike to their neighborhood in the fall of 1806. 
It was further determined to have a four days' celebration, September 26 to 
29, 1906; that Wednesday, the 26th, be Woman's day; Thursday, the 27th, 
Historical day; Friday, the 28th, Grand Army day; and Saturday, the 29th, 
Pike's day. The following committee on finance was agreed upon by the 
meeting: H. H. Smith and M. C. Policy, Republic City; A. W. Vale, Web- 
ber; 0. H. Durand, N. H. Angle, Elizabeth A. Johnson, Republic City; and 
Thomas Charles, of Belleville. This committee was authorized to give 
Kansas, for her first centennial, a demonstration as nearly equal as possible 
to the event which happened at the Pawnee village September 29, 1806. 

After the meeting the aforesaid committee appointed other committees, 
as follows: 

General Arrangements : N. H. Angle, H. H. Smith, T. J. Charles. J. W. 
Ambrose, E. D. Haney, A. B. Evans, W. S. Lower, and S. Eddy. 
, Music: Mrs. Eva Moore, Dr. D. E. Foristall, Mrs. J. W. Ambrose, and 
H. E. Clark. 

A variety of entertainment features were provided. Four batteries of 
United States artillery were sent from Fort Riley, and an elaborate program 
arranged. Everything was in perfect readiness on the opening day. The 
park, underneath the hill upon which stands the monument, was amply pro- 
vided with booths, platforms, and seats. The weather for the four days 
was ideal, and the attendance large, culminating, on Saturday, the 29th, 
with an enormous crowd. The village site and park is two miles from the 
nearest railroad, at Republic city, and is accessible only by wagon travel. 
Several bands from neighboring towns were in attendance. 

Wednesday, the 26th, Woman's day, was in charge of Mrs. J. D. McFar- 
land, president of the Woman's Kansas Day Club. The ceremonies opened 
with "A Woman's Greeting," by Mrs. E. W. Hoch. Mrs. Noble L. Prentis 
spoke in behalf of the Kansas Federation of Women's Clubs; Mrs. Charles 
E. Adams, of Superior, Neb., ex-president of the National Woman's Relief 
Corps, spoke on "Good Citizenship"; Mrs. Albert H. Horton, of Topeka, 
representing Mrs. Donald McLean, president general, spoke of the "Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution. ' ' In the afternoon, Mrs. Lilla Day Monroe, 
of Topeka, represented the Kansas Equal Suffrage Association, Mrs. Eva M. 
Murphy, of Goodland, the Kansas Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 
and Mrs. Cora G. Lewis, of Kinsley, the Woman's Kansas Day Club, in an 
address, "A Romance Century." Mrs. Elma B. Dalton. of Winfield, spoke 
in behalf of the Ladies of the Grand Army of the Republic. These papers 
exhibited the progress and accomplishments of women during the one hundred 
years under the Hag. 

September 27, Historical day, the following addresses were given: "The 



4 Kansas State Historical Society. 

White Man's Foot in Kansas," written by Prof. John B. Dunbar, of Bloom- 
field, N. J., and read by Mrs. Cora G. Lewis, of Kinsley; "The Pawnees, 
As I Knew Them," by James R. Mead, of Wichita, read by M. C. Polley, 
member of the legislature from Republic county; "Characters and Incidents 
of the Plains," by William E. Connelley, of Topeka. read by Mrs. Elma B. 
Dalton, of Winfield; and "The First Two Years of Kansas," an address by 
Geo. W. Martin, secretary of the State Historical Society. Rev. Dr. J. A. 
Sutton closed the exercises of the day with an able address on "Providence 
in History." 

Capt. Patrick H. Coney, department commander of Kansas, was president 
of the day September 28. "The Grand Army of the Republic, Its Attain- 
ments and Its Mission," was the subject of an address by Captain Coney. 
C:ipt. Charles E. Adams, of Superior, Neb., ex-department commander of 
that state, next spoke on "Patriotism"; and Hon. W. A. Calderhead, member 
of Congress from the fifth district, closed the day with a stirring address. 

By order of State Supt. I. L. Dayhoff, every public school in Kansas de- 
voted an hour this Friday afternoon to the story of "Pike and the Flag" — 
the 300,000 school children of Kansas acting in unison with the services at 
Pawnee village. 

Saturday, the 29th, was the real anniversary of the incident which oc- 
curred at the Pawnee village September 29, 1806, as related by Lieutenant 
Pike: "After a silence of some time an old man arose, went to the door, 
took down the Spanish flag, brought it, and laid it at my feet; he then re- 
ceived the American flag, and elevated it on the staff which had lately 
borne the standard of his Catholic majesty. This gave great satisfaction to 
the Osage and Kans, both of whom decidedly avow themselves to be under 
American protection." 

The people of the surrounding country for miles, even across the line 
into Nebraska, seemed to have quit business for the day, and passed into 
the grove until there was scarcely room to contain them. Wagons, car- 
riages, guns and horses were so thick that inextricable confusion would have 
resulted but for the creditable management of the local committees. 

Gov. E. W. Hoch made an address on "This Country of Ours." Gomer 
T. Davies gave an account of the neighborhood efforts to establish the loca- 
tion of the village; and Hon. Chester I Long, United States senator, ar- 
rived in time from Colorado Springs, where he made the principal address 
at a like celebration on the 27th, to make an address on the subject of 
"Kansas." Colorado celebrated from the 23d to the 29th of September. 

Several exhibition drills were given by the Second, Twenty-second and 
Thirty-fifth batteries of artillery, under command of Captain Mott. On 
Pike's day the flag was raised over the village site with military honors, 
and a short address was made by Governor Hoch. 

After the close of Senator Long's speech, George W. Martin, Secretary 
of the State Historical Society, spoke as follows: 

The Woman's Kansas Day Club was organized to fill a long felt want. 
For many years we have had a Kansas Day Club, that is, an organization 
for celebrating the 29th of January, the day Kansas was admitted into the 
Union. But that is a Republican partisan organization, limited to men 
who, in addition to assuming vast credit, discuss party policies, and put 
up a job or two, or perhaps three ; anyhow, always absolutely selfish. A 



Centennial Celebration at Pike's Pawnee Village. 




Hrected bv the State of Knusas, 

moi. 

To mark the site of the rawnoe Republic, where 

LiEiT. ZKnri.oN M. Tike 

caused the Spanish flap to be lowered 

and the (lag of llic rnit<d States to be raised. 

S.-..r. .ni,..r L'!>, 180C. 



6 Kansas State Historical Society. 

couple of years ago some women, who thought they had as much interest 
in the natal day of our state as the men, concluded to organize along patri- 
otic lines solely. Their purpose is to cultivate state pride among women, 
and at the same time as far as possible secure due credit for their sisters in 
the wonderful history- making peculiar to Kansas. At their first meeting 
they presented to the State Historical Society a very rich painting of Sara 
T. D. Robinson, the widow of the first governor of the state, still Hving. 
They resolved that their work for this year should be some assistance to 
this delightful success, the celebration of Pike's visit to Republic county, 
and an acknowledgment of the first act of United States sovereignty over 
Kansas and Colorado asserted by him on yonder hill. So we have here with 
us from all parts of the state eighteen or twenty members of this woman's 
organization. Besides assisting here, this body caused meetings to be held 
yesterday afternoon in 5000 school districts of Kansas, where the story of 
Pike and the flag in Republic county was told to more than a quarter of a 
million children. Can you grasp what that means? While the Grand Army 
from this platform was giving patriotic lessons, the entire population of 
the state was acting in unison with you. Could anything be more inspiring 
or serviceable? The women have struck the key-note of patriotism and 
usefulness. 

Most people have a funny idea of history. They think it comes from 
governors, senators, politicians, and those who obtain some notoriety. 
They are off. It comes from you folks who work on the farms. True, 
there must be leaders and bosses, but if you stop for a season or two rais- 
ing corn and alfalfa and wheat, the leaders and bosses will have to walk 
out. The greater part of history is made by the daily toilers— people in the 
humbler walks of life. 

The State Historical Society, as compared with similar institutions, has 
a remarkable collection, and is doing a remarkable work. There are from 
100 to 200 visitors roaming through the corridors of the state-house every 
day. Many of them are travelers and sightseers from other states. I 
talk with a great many of them. They tell stories about men whose pictures 
are on the wall, and they ask many questions. On the walls, among the 
portraits of many eminent characters in Kansas history, we have a life- 
size photograph of Mrs. Elizabeth A. Johnson. The question is universally 
asked, "Why is that woman here among these governors and other distin- 
guished men? " I have repeated the story probably a thousand times in the 
past five or six years, that Mrs. Johnson is the wife of a farmer in Republic 
county; that she spent years in searching for the village site where Lieuten- 
ant Pike caused this change of flags, with only 22 American soldiers amid 
1400 Indians, and 350 Spanish cavalrymen lurking around in the neighborhood; 
that she bought the land to keep it from being plowed up; that she pre- 
sented it to the state; that she induced the legislature to spend $3000 in 
marking the site. I have told this to eastern women, who didn't have the 
slightest idea that any such thing ever occurred on these prairies, and they 
stood before me absolutely thrilled. A farmer's wife to do this, out in the 
country, with farms only surrounding it; and not in some elegant city park ? 
I believe they thought more of this act than that of twenty soldiers. They 
universally responded, "Surely this woman is entitled to a place in a his- 
torical collection. " I could name a sco're or more of m^n, on the same walls, 
who all combined have not done as much entitling them to a place there. 



Centennial Celebration at Pike's Paivnee Village. 7 

Now is it any wonder that our sisters of the Woman's Kansas Day Club 
are so interested in the Pike celebration, and that they want the record made 
complete in the adoption of a resolution acknowledging faint credit for one 
to whom much credit is due. Representing the State Historical Society, 
which will preserve a full account of this splendid occasion. I now call upon 
Mrs. Lewis. 

Mrs. J. M. Lewis, jr., offered the following resolution: 

Whereas, The supreme glory of the state is the sacred spot where the 
flag is first exalted in the name of our country; therefore, we believe the 
site of the Pawnee village, being the spot where Lieutenant Pike first raised 
the stars and stripes in our state, should be held in reverence in the hearts 
of every loyal Kansan; therefore, be it 

Resolved, That we, the people assembled to commemorate the first cen- 
tennial anniversary of the removal of the Spanish flag from the soil of the 
United States, hereby express to Mr. and Mrs. George Johnson our sincere 
appreciation and loving gratitude for preserving for us and our children the 
place where our beloved flag was first raised. We believe that the lowering 
of the flag of one nation and the establishment of the sovereignty of another, 
in the name of peace and without bloodshed, to be one of the things that 
consecrates our state and lights the way to the universal peace which is the 
hope of Christian civilization. Therefore, Mr. and Mrs. George Johnson 
have given us the most sacred spot on Kansas soil, the site of the Pawnee 
village, now marked by the state with a granite monument in honor of Zebu- 
Ion M. Pike; therefore, be it further 

Resolved, That it is our privilege on this memorable occasion to publicly 
tender to Mr. and Mrs. Johnson the tribute of our love and gratitude. ' 

Mrs. J. M. Lewis, jr., Kinsley, Chairman. 
Mrs. E. W. Hoch, Marion. 
Mr. Geo. W. Martin, Topeka. 

Governor Hoch moved the adoption of the resolutions, and United States 
Senator Long seconded the motion. 

The resolutions were adopted by a rising vote of the large assembly. 

Note 1. — At the close of the anniversary. Saturday evening, the 29th, Mrs. Johnson prave her 
house party of forty gruests a banquet, with Mrs. Cora G. Lewis as toastmistress. Addresses 
were made by Senator Long, Governor Hoch. and Captain Mott, of the reprular army. At the 
meetintr of the Woman's Kansas Day Club, January 29, 1907, the ladies constituting the guests of 
Mrs. Johnson for the week made Mrs. Johnson a gift of a gold badge, George W. Martin making 
the i)re8entation address as follows: 

"My sympathies are very strongly with the Woman's Kansas Day Club, because you observe 
the natal day of the state along proper lines — patriotism and history. There is one fact I will re- 
peat and empha.size on all occa.sions, and that is, that women are not properly recognized in the 
history of Kansas. Looking through the Annals of Kansas the other day for something else, my 
eyes hit the following, concerning the days of li^.V): " The women of Kansas suffered more than 
the men! and were not loss heroic. Their names are not known : they were not elected to office; 
they had none of the exciting deli^rht.s of an active outdoor life on these attractive prairies: they 
endured in silence: they took care of the home, and of the sick: if ' home they brought her war- 
rior dead, she nor swooned, nor uttered sigh." " 

"Now, Mrs. Johnson, you are not arraigned before this interesting assembly as a horrible 
specimen of territorial fir pioneer woe. Your innate disposition to be clever and helpful, your 
broad acres, pleasant and hospit.ible home, and splendid companion (male, of course) who shares 
with you, give us to know that you have always had a good time. We are not here, however, to 
celebrate the giKxl tiini's you have had : but we do sincerely and joyously desire to celebrate the 
good times you have given others. I have been to your home six times in the past five years, in 
the interest of an historical task — caused and consumated by yourself. There is no necessity on 
this <M-casion to repeat the story of your connection with the Pawnee village and Lieutenant 
Pike's appearance with the flag in Republic county. You are almost solely responsible for one of 
the most interesting chapters in Kansas history. Twice in the year 1901. July l and September 
29, you authorized me to invite forty guests to your home, and each time you entertained over 
thirty in the most royal manner. Again, in 190»), when the one hundredth anniversary of Pike's 
flag raising reache«i us you authoriziMl me to invite fifty to 1h> your guests for a week. You had 
over thirty with you for five days. Everything was as free as water from the time we left the 
train until we returned to the train for homo, and your watchfulness for the comfort of all was 



Kansas State Historical Society. 



A PEACE DANCE FOREVER. 

Leavenworth, Kan, , September 25, 1906. 
Geo. W. Martin, Secretary of Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan.: 

My Dear Sir and Friend— I have your notice of "the one hundredth 
anniversary of the unfurling of the American flag on Kansas soil," etc., 
and fully intended to be with you at "Pawnee village" on the 29th inst., 
to celebrate my seventy-eighth birthday and pursuit of Pawnees through the 
country more than fifty-six years ago— June, 1850, but I am sorry to say 
that my health will not permit me to make the journey. 

Of the Pawnees then living it is safe to say that all. through their devious 
ways, have landed upon the "happy hunting-grounds," where the white 
man has ceased from troubling and the weary warriors are at rest. 

Of the pursuing party, so far as I know, I am the only one left, and if 
in the final wind-up I find my comrades in as safe a haven as the Pawnees 
hoped for we will have a peace dance that shall last forever. 

I sincerely hope that during the celebration you may be blessed with such 
an Indian summer as can be found nowhere outside of Kansas, and that 
every man, woman and child may thank God that his or her lot has been 
cast within the charmed circle. 

If Lieutenant Pike could have known how near the heart of the best of 
earth he was planting his flag, and the wonderful people and institutions 
that were to grow up around it, he should have been a happy man. 

With best wishes for all that you and the celebration represent, 

I am, sincerely your friend, P. G. Lowe. 

beyond any words of mine to state. And the four days of patriotism, oratory and artillery closed 
with a banquet at your house Saturday evening-, September 29, equal to the Waldorf, and for 
happy and solid talk, and smart and g-ood-looking- women, was never equaled anywhere. 

" The story of the flag in Kansas will speak strongly and enthusiastically of the duty you per- 
formed in the interest of the public and of the history of your state, but the friends who enjoyed 
your hospitality would be unspeakably indifferent or selfish if they did not by some token show 
appreciation of the delightful time your heart and hands gave them. 

"Accordingly, in behalf of the ladies constituting your house party September 24 to 30, 1906, 
I hand you a golden badge, so designed that it is not only a token of appreciation and love, but a 
souvenir of historical significance, closely allied with the most precious incident following the 
transfer of the Louisiana territory by France to the United States." 

House party at Mrs. George Johnson's, September 29, 1906 : Mrs. Albert H Horton, Mrs. 
Lee Monroe, Mrs. Eva M. Murphy, Mrs. Anna Dick Rodgers, Mrs. Josephine Martin, Mrs. 
E. W. Hoch, Mrs. Noble L. Prentis, Mrs. C. B. Brittin, Mrs. Elma B. Dalton, Mrs. A. A. Adams, 
Mrs. Sarah L. Felt, Mrs. James D. McFarland. Mr. George W. Martin, Mrs. James M. Lewis, 
jr., Mr. Luther M. Nellis, Capt. Charles E. Adams, Col. P. H. Coney, Gov. E. W. Hoch, Senator 
Chester I. Long, Capt. Thos. B. Mott (U. S. Artillery ), Ralph H. Faxon, Jesse S. Leach, Miss 
Zu Adams. 



, THE WHITE MAN'S FOOT IN KANSAS/ 

Address written by John B. Dunbar, of Bloomfield, N. J., and read at Pike's Pawnee villaKe 
September 27. 1900. by Mrs. James M. Lewis, jr.. of Kinsley. 

ONE HUNDRED years ago to-day there were met in solemn conclave 
here representatives of the two types of civilization that thus far are 
rightfully accorded prominent place in the annals of our country. On one 
side of that assemblage were seen, few in number, the restless, persistent, 
progressive descendants of the fair-haired, blue-eyed barbarians that one 
thousand years earlier were, on sea and land, overrunning and possessing 
western Europe. Wherever they established themselves, barbarians though 
they were, a new phase of life, of thought, and conduct soon began to ap- 
pear. Their impress, in due time, was recognized as making, in the main, 
toward a better order of things. The kindlier phases of life, social and civil, 
became more manifest and controlling; the thought of home and its value 
was appreciated and cherished; the cruelties of war were mitigated; forms 
of civil administration became more benign; education was encouraged — in 
short, wherever this new race penetrated an influence for manifold good 
was felt and encouraged. So far this transforming impulse seems to have 
constituted the noblest heritage, save one, that has fallen to man. All that 
the much lauded Greek and Roman civilization contributed to the well-being 
of man in thought and in progress, and the contribution they made is larger 
than is usually recognized, pales into insignificance in the presence of this 
later, greater and more pervasive influence. 

On the other side in that council, in far greater numbers, were to be seen 
the representatives of one of the longest known, most influential and re- 
spected tawny-faced tribes of the Missis-^ippi valley. Incharacter and in life 
they were widely divergent from the small group of pale-faced visitors. Time 
out of mind they, with the three other bands of the Pani tribe, had been the 

Note 1. — As to the source whence the material for this paper was derived, appeal has been 
constantly made to the published account of Pike's tour through central Kansas, as far as the 
Pawnee village upim the Republican in northern Kansas : thence southwest to the Arkansas, 
westward to the Rocky Mountains, and finally south into New Mexico, till he was arrested and 
conveyed to Santa Fe. and soon thercnfier to Chihuahua. The data presented in his published 
report, after his return to the United States, are ample, varied and always intcrestinK. He was 
quite as ready and etTective with his pen as with his sword, and whatever he records is well 
worth readinic. To the material thus at hand certain additions, derived from a brief memoir of 
the trencral prepared by William Whitinsr. and published as volume V of the second series of 
American biot?raphies. published und«>r the troneral supervision of Jarcd Sparks. Various arti- 
cles in certain perindicals published early in the last century have also lieen consulted, as well as 
sundry documents in the archives of the War Department in VVashinvrton in a recent edition 
of Pike's journals, by Elliott Coues; copious annotations present freiiuently collateral informa- 
tion that is both interesting and of essential value. 

Within the last month word has appeared in certain Eastern periodicals to the effect that 
the original journals of his e.xpcdition. as kept from day to day. but taken from him soon after 
his arrest by the Mexican authorities, have at last been found among the archives in the War 
Office in the City of Mexico. If access may be. had to these documents, the long mooted iiuery 
as to whether Lieutenant Pike was in any degree tainted by the syren .song of the Burr Con- 
spiracy may at last be .solved. Coues seems to bi' convinced that Pike did yii'ld to the tempta- 
tion. If this theory were proved to Ik- correct, he was in all probability induced to the step by 
the ignoble malapert. General Wilkinson, an active agent with Hurr in planning the establish- 
ment of an independent dominion in the Southwest. He had be«-n essentially befriended by 
Wilkinson, in Inking appointed to conduct two important explorations, and may have In'en thus 
influenced to yield in some measure to the syren song of the wily Wilkin.son. intimating that 
.should he l)e willing to join in the enterprise, already deeply involved in the scheme, better 
things would be in store for him. Till this fact is actually proven, however, it bt'comes the part 
of justice, as well as of charity, to believe that Pike. I'ke a true soldier, lived and died untainteti. 
without spot or wrinkle or any such grave charge marring his military record. 

(9) 



10 Kansas State Historical Society. 

recognized suzerains of the fairest hunting-grounds of the plains, extending 
essentially from the Missouri river to the eastern slope of the Rocky Moun- 
tains, and from the Niobrara to the Arkansas. In industry, in kindliness, 
and in prowess, they were the peers of any tribe known to them. On each 
of the four rivers of their domain, the Missouri, the Platte, the Kansas, and 
the Arkansas, evidences of their long occupancy and control may yet be 
traced. The fairest of the hunting-grounds was theirs to traverse at will. 
But, unhappily, in these very advantages of territory and of easy access to 
it was found the occasion of their undoing. Two centuries ago, or earlier, 
the trapper and trader from Canada or from the South, by way of the Mis- 
sissippi and Missouri, found ready access to them. Though cordially wel- 
comed, these adventurers too frequently proved to be an insidious source of 
e*^il to them. In trade they were unscrupulous; in personal relations, too 
often conscienceless. As the result of such continued conditions the tribe 
steadily degenerated in character, as well as in the physical traits, activity 
and endurance. The handful of all the four bands or clans of the tribe sur- 
viving to-day in the Indian Territory would not equal one twenty-fifth of the 
tribe as it existed when Lieutenant Pike stood boldly before the hostile 
council here one hundred years ago. 

In this connection one other more recent adverse condition deserves brief 
notice. The opening of the Santa Fe trade early in the last century, and 
later the overland migration to the Pacific coast by way of the Platte, the 
Kansas and Arkansas rivers, resulted too frequently in difficulties between 
these adventurers and the Panis ; and, with reluctance, the statement is 
ventured that, at least in a fair proportion of the controversies, the emi- 
grants were not entirely blameless. Instances were not always wanting 
wherein individual members of emigrant trains, in passing from the usual 
restraints of frontier life out upon the plains, appeared to feel that the rigid 
observance of the principle of meum and tuum was no longer strictly in 
force. A stray Pani pony or other unguarded property was therefore now 
and then carelessly appropriated. If the owner by and by appeared, and 
assumed to assert his rights, there were times when rough means were taken 
to be rid of him. In such cases the Pani, by patient watching, ere long at 
times found opportunity to liquidate his losses quietly and safely, and per- 
haps need not always be thought blameworthy. Let it not be forgotten, 
furthermore, that this tribe, within the recollection of many now present, 
has repeatedly rendered heroic and valuable service to the government in 
protecting property and life on the prairies against other hostile tribes.- 

Having thus briefly sketched the two parties with whom we are especially 
concerned to-day, with the antecedents and traits of each, as now met in 
grave copsultation for the first time, we are perhaps prepared to consider 
the circumstances that brought them. Lieutenant Pike and the Pani, to- 
gether here. In the year 1802, four years previous to this council, Mr. Robert 
R. Livingston, our minister in France, ascertaining that Louisiana Territory 
and the two Floridas had been ceded by Spain to France, in order to secure 
free navigation of the Mississippi river to the states west of the Allegha- 
nies began negotiations with Napoleon for the transfer of East Louisiana 
and the two Floridas to the United States. The sum of $2,000,000 was sug- 
gested as a suitable compensation. For nearly a year no appreciable pro- 

NoTE 2.— Occupying, as they did two or more centuries since, the choicest hunting-grounds 
•east of the mountains, the Pawnees early incurred the hatred and jealousy of the Comanches, 



Tlic ]\'hitc Miui'fi Foot in Ktoisas. 11 

gress was made. To expedite the matter meantime, President Jefferson 
appointed Mr. Monroe to act with Mr. Livingston. To the great surprise 
of the latter, however, in a conversation, Talleyrand, acting for Napoleon, 
April 11, 1803, suggested the purchase of the entire Louisiana Territory, 
comprising the present states of Louisiana, Arkansas, Indian Territory, 
Oklahoma, Missouri, Kansas, Colorado. Nebraska, Iowa, Minnesota, South 
Dakota, North Dakota, Montana, and Wyoming, together with East and 
West Florida, and inquired what compensation would perhaps be offered. 
In reply, Mr. Livingston ventured to suggest as probable $4,000,000. Mean- 
time, Mr. Monroe, dispatched by the president as special envoy to cooperate 
with Mr. Livingston in hastening the transaction, arrived. Soon thereafter 
the sum of $20,000,000 was named by the French representative. Later 
this offer was reduced to $16,000,000. At the final conclusion of the whole 
business the title to all of Louisiana Territory, with West Florida, as being 
a part of the state proper, i. e., of Louisiana, passed to the United States. 
East Florida remained with Spain, since at the time of the treaty it had not 
been transferred to France. The entire cost of the domain as finally ac- 
quired was $15,000,000; $11,250,000 for the purchase proper, and $3,750,000 
to be expended by the United States in liquidating the so-called French 
spoliation claims ; in other words, in paying claims presented by American 
citizens for losses suffered from armed vessels on the high seas. ' 

Very singularly, at the date of the completed treaty so important to 
both parties (April 30, 1803). neither knew the exact boundaries of the 
domain transferred. Other than between Texas and Louisiana proper, no 
limits had in any way been definitely agreed upon. The French seem to 
have consistently asserted that, north of the Red river, their possessions by 
settlement or exploration extended from the Mississippi to the Rocky Moun- 
tains, and northward to the British possessions. The Mexican government, 
on the other hand, laid claim upon all lands north of the Red river eastward 
to the Mississippi, westward to the mountains, and northward to the North 
Platie. To be sure, since the day of Coronado's vagarious exploitation, in 

Kiowas. Arapahoes, Utea. and Apaches, as also that of the Kansas.' Osa^es and Missouris upon 
the east. As a result frequent raids and counter raids, incurrinj? more or less loss upon either 
.side, was the order of the day. Later the Dakotas and Cheyennes from the north joined in the 
frny. Placed thus as it were between the upper and nether millstone, the tribe put forth ever 
the most heroic efforts to maintain their territory undiminished. For nearly a century in a largre 
decree they succeeded : but the inevitable at last came. By constant war and the visitations of 
contag-ious disea.ses their numbers besan early to decline, till as early as Pike's visit there sur- 
vivetl probably not half the original number. Yet their pristine heroism survived till recent days, 
tinder the command of the late Maj. Frank North, of Columbus, Neb., for several years, in c<x)p- 
fration with reKular soldiers, they rendered valuable and effective service as guides and scouts, 
as well as volunteer cavalry, upon the western frontier, atrainst the Dakotas. For the time their 
original clan and sturdy spirit burned anew, eliciting cordial encomiums from regular officers of 
long experience upon the plains. The paltry number of survivors to-tlay. iibO. an abject remnant, 
are all that .survive to remind us of the Quivirans of Coron.ido's day. or the Pawnees of a more 
recent date. The paternal policy of the government has hastened their decadence quite as ef- 
fectively as the constant wars and turmoils of the earlier days. 

Note ;5.— Some years after the close of the revolutionary war. France, then at war with 
Great Britain, solicited assistance from the United States This request our government de- 
clin«?d. Thereupon P>ench cruisers were authorized to capture and confiscate all .'American mer- 
chantmen engaged in trade with England. These depredations continued from 1793 to ISOO. the 
French claiming that they wore thereby offsetting lo.sses entaikni upon their citizens by the fail- 
ure of our government to fulfil pletiges assumed by the American negotiators of the treaty of 
alliance between the two powers in 177S. Later, in IHori, France relea.<ed our government frt>m 
certain treaty engagements, and in requital w.is relieved fmm paying any claims presented by 
our citizens for losses inflicted by P'rench vessels, the Uniti>d Slates thereby securing peace by 
entailing serious loss upon many citizens. The losers, or their heirs. repeatiKily brought the 
matter before Congress, but no progress was made till livS,'). That year the consideration of th.> 
entire quest i(m by an act of Congress was referred to the court of claims in Washington, with 
the result that claims to the amount of S.'>.7n.H.r2,'>.17 have been approvwi and paid. S^.W.SIS.U are 
awaiting payment, while about one-thini of the claims are still before the court. 



12 Kansas State Historical Society. 

1541, toward an east and northeast still unknown, by a path almost as un- 
traceable now as the bird's through the air, toward achievements that man's 
eye has yet to behold, occasional commands or special envoys from New 
Mexico had traversed this region more or less extensively in various direc- 
tions, conducting negotiations with different tribes, frequently in hostile 
conflict with them, t*hereby at least presenting the appearance of exercising 
rightful authority over the domain; while at the ?ame time French explorers, 
traders or commissioned envoys were busily passing to and fro, and by their 
complaisant manners and exuberant temperament winning and retaining the 
good will and confidence of the tribes. Where such relations existed there 
could be no doubt as to where the controlling power rested. 

Of course, the knowledge that France was even entertaining the thought 
of conveying this extensive and valuable territory to the United States could 
not long be kept entirely secret. Spain early had knowledge of what was 
doing, and evidently dispatched at once intelligence of the matter to the offi- 
cials in Mexico, with the natural suggestion that it might be to their advan- 
tage to at least make a demonstration of their interest, activity, and, so far 
as possible, their actual authority among the several tribes east of the moun- 
tains. Like intelligence was also probably forwarded to Mexico from East 
Florida, from Louisiana, and from St. Louis. President Jefferson, mean- 
time, was quite as eager and active, no doubt, in this matter of exploration. 
His purchase had nearly doubled the area of the country. Not a few of his 
fellow citizens, especially in the older states, through ignorance of the char- 
acter and value of the new acquisition, were for a season much inclined to 
cavil. The time-honored maxim, omne ignotum pro magnifico, which Mr. 
Jefferson, at least for a time, seemed inclined to regard as not entirely in- 
applicable prospectively in this instance, was no longer a seductive plea with 
the plodding hard-working farmers, as most of the population then were. 
To them, seeing was believing; and as all could not at once go forth to see 
and possess the new country, he very sensibly set about sending forth chosen 
men to spy out the several parts of the land and bring back to the people a 
report thereof. In this direction he was quite as promptly and effectively 
■in evidence as his slower-footed rivals, the officials in Mexico. Three expe- 
ditions were soon organized and started. 

The first, and as he thought most important, was placed under the com- 
mand of Capt. Meriwether Lewis, at the time acting as his private secre- 
tary. Capt. William Clark was soon after detailed as associate commander. 
Under their joint authority were placed fourteen soldiers selected from the 
regular army, nine chosen riflemen long familiar with Indian warfare, and 
two French voyageurs to serve as hunters and interpreters. An additional 
body of six soldiers and nine boatmen were to attend them as far as the 
Mandan village on the Upper Missouri. In the instructions given by the 
President the officers were directed to observe carefully the topography of 
the country traversed, the soil, the flora and fauna, the minerals, the oppor- 
tunities for commerce, the fur trade, etc. ; the Indian tribes, so far as possi- 
ble, were to be approached, their manner of life and character studied, their, 
good will conciliated, etc. Occasionally a sentence is met in these instruc- 
tions that, after the lapse of a hundred years, reads strangely; e. g., when 
Captains Lewis and Clark are gravely directed to ascertain what tributary 
of the Upper Missouri will afford the most direct and practicable communica- 
tion with the Pacific by the way of the Oregon. Columbia, or Colorado! After 



The White Man's Foot i)i Kansas. 13 

some delay at St. Louis, in procuring suitable boats, providing neeiful 
equipments, provisions, etc., May 4, 1804, the command turned their faces 
toward the distant, unknown destination. The ensuing winter was passed 
at the villages already mentioned. Resuming the voyage April 7, 1805. the 
Pacific was at last sighted at the mouth of the Columbia the 16th of No- 
vember. The winter ensuing was occupied, so far as, possible, in making 
researches in the region roundabout. March 23, 1806, their faces were 
turned homeward; and August 22, the long unheard of e.xplorers quietly 
landed at St. Louis. 

The results of this distant tour, occupying more than two and a half 
years, passed the most sanguine expectations. The information secured as 
to the extent, features and value of the domain traversed, as well as to the 
life and character of the numerous tribes of Indian occupants, when pub- 
li>hed six years later, was discredited almost as too highly colored. Imagi- 
nation failed to appreciate the wonderful disclosures spread before it Like 
the story of Magelhin's circumnavigation, the published account was received 
for a time as a tale that is told. 

The other exploring expeditions of like date planned by the President 
merit brief mention. One of them, led by Capt. Richard Sparks and Mr. 
Thomas Freeman, was designed to ascend the Red river, trace its sources, 
and examine the region drained by them. Scarcely was the company well 
started, however, from the Louisiana frontier, ere they were met and turned 
ba« k by an armed force under Capt. Francisco Viana, in accordance with 
orders from Col. Antonio Cordero, governor of Texas. Originally the third 
exploration contemplated seems to have been intended to include the di.^trict 
drained by the waters of the Arkansas. Upon learning of the failure of the 
previous undertaking, the President modified the plan, to include now the 
country adjacent to the Black river and Washita north of the Red river as 
far as the well-known Hot Springs, in Arkansas. Mr. Thomas Hunter, and 
Mr. William Dunbar, a gentleman of recognized scientific accomplishments, 
were assigned to this task, and within four months had satisfactorily com- 
pleted the enterprise.^ 

While these three undertakings were in contemplation or in progress of 
fulfilment, the disturbed officials in Me.xico were not indifferent. Three en- 
terprises, to be executed in concert, seem to have been matured. One of 
them we have already seen actively present in the neighborhood of the Red 
river. ^ Another, so far as actual record of it has been met, was intended 
apparently to move northward along the eastern slope of the Rocky Moun- 
tains as far as the North Platte. There is thus far no discovered evidence, 
however, that the movement was ever actually on foot. Of the third, hap- 
pily, data sufficient to permit us to follow with tolerable accuracy its general 

Note J. — This gentleman, son of Sir Archibald Dunliar. in Scotland, came to this country 
soon after completinR hi.s «iucation: settled in 1771 at Natchez. Miss , and so<in becunu- known 
as a successful planter. He early found time to familiarize himself with the flora and fauna of 
the Mississipiii reurion. compiled an interestinvr description of the Mississippi river, and contrib- 
uted .several iiiterestin>r papers to tho American Philosophical Society, at Philadelphia, amonjr 
them the first attempt ever made to enlist interest and attention in the study of the siRn lantruaife 
of the Indians, the most remarkable pnnhict of Indian thought, and quite equal to the t)est of 
similar efforts put forth by our hiirher civilization. The journal of the tour kept by Mr Dunbar 
as chief of the e.\p<Hlition. is one of the most interestinir publications of the entire series of e.\- 
plora'ions resultinvr from the Louisiana purchase. The clear perception and suRKeslive style 
imparts an unfailing: interest that even the casual reader may recognize. Healsokepta detailed 
journal of the geometrical survey of the exi)edition. 

Note .">. — This Red river, it will be understoixl. was the upper portion of the Canadian, not 
the Ked river of Louisiana. 



14 Kansas State Historical Society. 

development are at hand. The officer in charge of this detachment was Don- 
Facundo Malgares, a Spaniard by birth, of eminent and wealthy family. In 
character he was brave and chivalrous. At this time he was serving as 
lieutenant in the Mexican army, and had already highly distinguished himself 
in several campaigns against the Apaches— not an insignificant distinction in 
days more recent. The natural inference would be that, in recognition of 
such achievements, he had been advanced to the command of the most im- 
portant, extended and difficult of these enterprises. 

His instructions directed that he should move down the Red river 233 
leagues, holding on the way a conference with the Comanche tribe ; then 
swerve to the northeast, and to continue until the Pani village upon this 
spot was reached. But on the way difficulties early began to develop. By 
law, at that date, in Mexico all soldiers served without pay, and also fur- 
nished their own arms, horses, clothing and rations. The government sup- 
plied the ammunition only. As they were moving down the Red river 
provisions began to fail them. Thereupon inquiry was made of the commander 
as to whither he was going, and as to what was the purpose of the expe- 
dition. The curt reply was received, "Wherever my horse leads me." A 
few days later a petition bearing 200 signatures was presented to him, re- 
questing that the militia might be permitted to return to New Mexico. 
Malgares at once ordered a halt, commanded the dragoons to erect a gal- 
lows, and the assembly was sounded. The petitioners were placed apart; 
the man who handed in the petition was singled out, tied, and given fifty 
lashes. The threat was then given out that any man that dared thereafter 
to grumble would be hanged Pike remarks that this was the first instance 
of corporal punishment in the province of New Mexico. Naturally, we may 
infer that during the remainder of the march relations between commander 
and men were not entirely cordial. 

When at length the Arkansas was reached, a detail of 240 men was left 
there to watch over and endeavor to recruit a large number of exhausted or 
injured horses. When we recall that the march was begun with an outfit 
of more than 2000 horses and mules, one for the use of each man and the- 
rest to carry the various supplies, the inference seems not unwarranted that 
the advance had, for some reason, partaken of the nature of a forced march. 
Again, the prolonged stay of so large a body of meagerly provisioned 
troopers, 350 or more, at the village here, was a heavy burden upon their 
involuntary hosts. Possibly the stay here was intentionally extended, and 
instead of Malgares continuing on to the Pani villages on the Platte, as his 
instructions required, the head chief of the Grand or Chaui band there wa& 
persuaded to visit Malgares here, and an amicable compact of some sort 
seems to have been arranged between them. In the face of plausible ob- 
jections of established usage, for the Indian is a chronic stickler in matters 
of precedent, there was in this instance one obvious advantage. It would 
have been exceedingly embarrassing had Malgares visited them, to be con- 
fronted perhaps daily by the sight of Pani braves innocently riding about 
the village on horses easily recognizable as stolen, as chance would have it, 
from his own command, while upon the Red river a few weeks previous. 
Other ominous omissions there were in the Spanish commander's program : 
he had been directed to negotiate treaties with the Omaha and Kansas 
tribes, and probably also with the Osages. No attempt was made to meet 
any one of these tribes. More than that, so complete was the knowledge 



The Wltitv Man's Foot in K(n(s(ts. 15 

had in Mexico, before Malgares started, of the exploratory work then doing 
on our part that he had been especially charged to intercept and turn back 
Pike in his progress over the plains toward the frontier of New Mexico. 
This most important duty was entirely neglected. Curiously he did remem- 
ber, however, to arrest such unfortunate traders and trappers as crossed 
his path on his return march to Santa Fe and to deliver them into the 
hands of the authorities there. Nearly a year later Pike found several of 
these hapless sufferers living in abject poverty in Natchitoches, La. 

Having now discussed briefly the achievements of this commando from 
New Mexico, we are at last prepared to recognize and welcome another 
manner of man, the man of the occasion, unbeknown, it would seem, so far, 
even to himself, divinely commissioned to inaugurate quietly but effectively 
the most creditable work of setting back into its due limits for all time the 
most ruthless and bloody political system that ever marred this continent— 
Zebulon Montgomery Pike." 

At this point, as an effective but not uncommon illustration of a familiar 
maxim, we have occasion to meet again the names of Lieutenant Pike and 
Gen. James Wilkinson, two remarkable men, apparently then in intimate 
relations as honorably ambitious members of the same profession. While 
President Jefferson was maturing plans for expediting his explorations, it 
seems that the restlessly active general, then in command of the western 
frontier, with headquarters at St. Louis, had also received permission to 
make a reconnaissance of the Upper Mississippi river and the adjacent re- 
gion. To discharge this service he designated Lieutenant Pike July 30, 1804. 
So expeditious were the preparations for the enterprise that August 9, in a 
keel-boat seventy feet in length, propelled by the twenty soldiers that ac- 
companied him, and carrying provisions for six months, the party was on 
the way northward. The instructions given to the commander required that, 
while ascending the river, he should carefully study the lands on either side 
to its sources; indicate sites suitable for military posts; negotiate treaties 
with the several tribes met; establish friendly relations between the Dakotas 
and the Chippeways; inquire into the dealings of the Northwest Company 
(Canadian), at the time controlling an extensive fur trade within our terri- 
tory, and to correct certain alleged oppressive abuses in their commerce with 
the natives, if found actually existing; and finally to trace and map the 
head waters of the Mississippi, with a view to ascertaining its true source. 
To fulfil these charges the northern portion of the present state of Minne- 
sota was traversed in various directions, by himself and his men, during the 
bitter cold of a winter in that latitude. April 30, 1806, with its manifold 
duties satisfactorily discharged, the expedition reported at St. Louis. 

Scarcely two and a half months elapsed ere another more extended and 
varied trust, apparently an indorsement of the work just completed, was 
assigned. In this new assignment Pike is ordered to ascend the Missouri 

Note ti. — While Pike was sojoumiriK. after his arrest, in Chihuahua, by the courtesy of Lieu- 
tenant MalKares. he was introduced to many of the prominent families of thet-ity. Spain at that 
date was under the control of the French. Beintf thus, as it were, at sea as to their probable 
destiny, for political discusaion was rife in many parts of Mexico, and at no quarter more fre- 
<iu<'nt and ardent than in Chihuahua. Pike was frequently present at such debates. Whenever 
invitetl he instantly declared in favor of national independence as a*;ainst further European con- 
trol. This conduct. cominK to the ears of Commandant General Salcedo, Pike was cautioned 
throutfh Lieutenant Maljrares that further atfitation mi>rht .seriously atTect his personal safety. 
Though Pike was thus silenced, the discussion starte<i by him continue<l under the leadership of 
the famous priest. Miguel Hidalgo, of Costilla, better known as Hidaltfo. till he was captured and 
put to death. .S<H)n thereafter Chihuahua became a trreat center of EKitation for independence, 
till finally freedom was secured and acknowledxcd. 



16 Kansas State Historical Society. 

and Osage rivers to the village of the Grand Osages ; thence to proceed 
overland to this place; from here northeast to the Pani villages on the 
Pla'te; then turn southwest toward the Arkansas in the vicinity of Great 
Bend, and continue that route till the frontier of New Mexico was reached ; 
from ihid point he was to direct his course toward the sources of the Red 
river, c ir^luUy explore the region, descend the river to the Mississippi, 
and proceed thence directly to St. Louis. It seems fitting and fortunate 
that he was, in this instance, and probably also in the previous expedition, 
allowed to select his own men to accompany him, twenty in number. In 
one only, in both explorations, was he mistaken. The rest, even amidst 
the severest sufferings, served him to a man ably and cheerfully, till in- 
capacitated. 

Starting from St. Louis July 15, after thirty-five days of arduous conten- 
tion with the roily shoals and tortuous shallows of the deceptive Missouri 
and Osage rivers, he reached the village of the Grand Osages. Twelve 
days were here occupied in purchasing an outfit of horses sufficient for the 
transportation of needful provisions and other supplies. One of those days 
was made specially memorable by the restoration to their kindred of about 
forty Osages, who had been ransomed by our government from captivity 
with the Potawatomies and entrusted to Pike for delivery to their kindred— 
a service no doubt grateful to him, as was also the establishing of friendly 
relations between the Osage and Kansas tribes. Resuming again the prog- 
ress, now overland, by a somewhat direct course, nineteen days brought 
Pike, according to the record in his journal, nearly 170 miles on the way 
hither, as far as to the present site of Marion, in Marion county, in this 
state. From that camp he sent forward to this place Doctor Robinson and 
a Pawnee to announce his approach. Five days' advance, ninety-eight miles 
nearer, and no intelligence is received from here— a discouraging feature. 
Two days later the outlook becomes grave; on the 22d a Pani hunter is met, 
who affirms that the day after the doctor reached the village here the chief 
set out with forty or fifty horses to meet and escort them to the village, but 
had lost his way— the only known instance of an Indian chief being found 
unable to orient himself on his native heath, as well as a surprising breach 
of Indian punctilio. Two days further and strolling Panis were much in 
evidence, and with them came the display of medals, horses, bridles, saddles, 
blankets, etc., all too plainly of Spanish origin— not an amicable manifesta- 
tion. The n<^xt day, after advancing twelve miles, they were met three 
miles distant from here, and the command was curtly requested to halt till 
a formal reception might be arranged. The solution of their undiplomatic 
attitude was now becoming manifest; they had felt that, till their recent 
visitors might be well out of the way, an attempt to extend an artistic 
greeting to scarcely more than a score of dusty, bedraggled footmen, after 
their recent great display of good feeling toward the Spaniards, even though 
the sincerity of their friendship had meantime very largely abated toward 
the mounted, gaily caparisoned, lordly dons, 350 strong, would be, even to an 
Indian's mind, too much of an anti-climax. Still, the abatement of friendliness 
toward the Spaniards did not indicate friendliness toward these newcomers. 
Pike and his men were kept waiting till the Panis could welcome the Osage 
chief and his brayes, who had accompanied Pike thus far, into the village. 
At his leisure the chief finally appeared again with a large body of mounted, 
fully equipped warriors, halted a mile distant, divided them into two parties, 



The Uliitc Man's Foot in Kansas. 17 

rode forward at full speed and began to circle about Pike and his men in 
opposite directions. This display was kept up till they had reached the out- 
skirts of the village. Here a halt was made, a few horses were presented 
to the command, and it passed on to a spot beyond the village and encamped. 
Pike makes no direct statement as to what his feelings were in the face of 
such deliberate discourtesy. 

He was, however, soon made to realize keenly each day that he must be 
prepared to face studied and persistent opposition, if not open hostility. 
Feeling, therefore, that he should at once take a decided stand, he moved 
his camp nearer the village, to the top of a hill that enabled him to over- 
look it, and thus know what was going on therein. Here the head chief 
visited him and made a display of a Mexican commission, bearing the date 
June 15, 1806, presented to him by his recent guest, Lieutenant Malgares— 
a studied affront. Prompted perhaps by this incident, on September 28 the 
Pani leader held a conference with certain chiefs of the Osages and Kansas 
tribes that were present, and concluded a treaty of friendship with each 
delegation." The next day, September 29, became memorable with the 
Republican Panis for more than a half century. Apparently at Pike's ur- 
gent and repeated solicitation a formal council was at last held. An evident 
crisis was at hand, and more than 400 warriors, many of them bearing arms, 
were in attendance. Pike, in his opening address, after averting in a 
conciliatory tone to certain matters of mutual interest to the Panis and 
to our government, in connection with other demands presented, referred 
to the presence of numerous Spanish flags in the village. Then, turning to- 
ward one of them then floating before the head chief's door, he demanded 
that it be lowered and delivered to him, and our national ensign unfurled in 
its stead. Several responses to his speech were made, but each orator care- 
fully avoided any allusion to the offensive flag. Pike, in reply, protested 
that they could not serve two fathers ; they must take side with the Span- 
iards or yield to their American father ; and renewed his demand for the 
flag. A prolonged and ominous silence ensued ; till suddenly, interrupting 
the long suspense, an aged Indian quietly arose, went to the door, lowered 
the flag, folded it, brought it in, and laid it at Pike's feet. Receiving an 
American flag, he unfurled it in the place of the offensive colors of Spain. 
Noticing that the faces of all present in the council were downcast over this 
change. Pike, as soothing their feelings, remarked that inasmuch as they 
had in exchanging flags virtually acknowledged their American father, he 
would return the Spanish flag, with the understanding that it should not 
again be unfurled while he continued with them. 

In this occurrence, so unexpected and so sweeping in its results, is dis- 
closed the radical distinction, between the white man and the Indian. In 
social life and in the usual activities of life the two are much alike. A 
white infant reared among Indians would in these relations become essen- 
tially Indian; and, vice versa, an Indian child, so reared among the whites, 
would in a fair degree acquire the common traits of his associates. More 
than this, all the tribes, to greater or less degree, possess an oral, and even 
in part a written literature of no mean character ; and their code also, in 

Note 7.— The Pawnee chief, fearful that he misht not be, unaided, able to hold his trround 
HRainst Pike, had been nuiotly neKOtiatiriK- with the OsaRes and Kansas, in order to secure their 
support in his scheme todestnjy Pike and his force, if (it opportunity presonte«i. or to influence 
them to turn back. Evidently he did not lind the two tribes favorable to his fond scheme. At 
all events the desire<l treaty was not concludt>d. 



18 Kansas State Historical Society. 

ordinary relations, contains provisions that are eminently commendable and 
salutary. But when we contemplate the Indian as a statesman ; as being 
able to work out a coherent system of political, patriotic conduct, whereby 
there may be secured, when necessary, the abeyance of personal preference 
or ambition in behalf of the general welfare, the Indian taken in masses has 
always failed. King Philip in New England, Pontiac and Tecumseh in the cen- 
tral West, and Chief Joseph in the remoter Northwest, each of them endowed 
with no ordinary gifts, sought to establish a system of extended civic> com- 
bination, in order to enforce thereby the recognition of the common rights 
and well-being of the Indian. Each failed completely, primarily because 
the ordinary Indian was not equal to the conditions required. In a much 
smaller way a combination of the so-called Republican Panis here, was, one 
hundred years ago to-day, attempted, after they were apprised of Pike's 
approach. Sarecherish, or Angry Chief (Pike's form of the name, Char- 
acterish, is manifestly incorrect), had evidently persuaded the warriors to 
adopt for the impending and momentous exigency a special policy of his 
own devising. Had the braves only been able to persist in carrying out the 
scheme, had they only held together. Pike and his chosen men wopld have 
ended their explorations here ; and the large space so fitly occupied since in 
our annals by the narrative of his heroic services cheerfully rendered to our 
country in the hour of need— and in so doing he gave all that he had— would 
never have existed. But fortunately he well knew the constitutional defect 
of the Indian, his inability to maintain steadfastly and carry to a complete 
issue a complex scheme of concerted action ; and so the too well devised 
plan of massacre crumbled, as he no doubt had foreseen that it would. The 
Indian who lowered and surrendered the offensive colors, Kiwiktaka, White 
Bull, had years before been a chief of note and influence, and naturally his 
unexpected action completely broke the spell. It was indeed bad medicine 
administered by one Indian to his fellow tribesmen. 

In the little band of soldiers, on the other hand, we see the exact counter- 
part. Pike was a man of unusual discernment. He was also, under an 
equable, usually quiet exterior, a man of noticeable ability and force. He 
had himself selected the men who accompanied him. For nearly two months 
and a half he had been daily associating with them, training them, and work- 
ing with them. He felt, no doubt, that they were in entire sympathy with 
him, and so he implicitly trusted them. When the emergency came, there- 
fore, they did not fail him. The lesson that the red man failed signally and 
repeatedly to appreciate, they, under a most competent leader, had thoroughly 
mastered. United tve stand; divided we fall. It was this innate defect of 
the Indian, repeatedly manifested, that gave this continent finally to the 
white man. 

October 2 information was brought by friendly Indians (Kansas) that the 
Pani chief had declared that his braves were resolved to prevent Pike from 
proceeding further on his explorations. Such a promise they had made, it 
would seem, to the Spanish commander before his departure. When this 
word came to the ears of his men. Pike seemed to note with evident pride 
and pleasure the comments made by them in anticipation of such a crisis. 
As more horses were needed for conveying all the baggage safely, an attempt 
was made to purchase some in the village, with only meager success. Four 
days later, October 7, camp was struck for the departure. As the Indians, 
in case an attack was to be made upon him while moving through the village 



The While Maii'fi Foot in Kansat^. 19 

when he began his departure, could use the lodges as places of refuge, he 
formed his men in a compact body, the pack-train accompanying, and passed 
round the village to the top of a hill to the south from it. From there it 
became at once evident that the thought of attacking was actual. Many 
braves were to be seen moving nervously about with arms in readiness. But 
the unanimity and entire coolness of the little band had evidently overawed 
them. Pike had beforehand instructed them that by acting in perfect con- 
cert, if attacked outside the village, with musket and bayonet they could 
kill a hundred Indians ere they were all killed— 20 resolute men facing 500. 

After a brief pause, Pike, with one soldier and his interpreter, galloped 
back into the village directly to the lodge of the chief, and was soon satis- 
fied that no serious trouble need be apprehended. « Returning, therefore, to 
his men, he resumed his march, conforming his course somewhat to the trail 
of Malgares's retiring command, and proceeded south by west till the Arkan- 
sas was reached, October 18, at or near Great Bend. It is interesting to 
note Pike's equable poise during this advance; from the number of fires 
made by Spaniards at their different camps, he estimated with accuracy the 
number of men in the column; from the demeanor of the Panis who accom- 
panied him, in apparent friendliness, for a few days, from the village, on 
their usual buffalo hunt, he inferred that their hostile attitude during his 
stay there might have been in some measure a matter of temporary policy. 
Their expert and effective use of the bow and arrow in the pursuit of larger 
game evidently elicited his admiration. His observation of scenes traversed 
and his alert judgment of conditions presented were remarkably correct. 
His long-continued study of military science in the text-books then most es- 
teemed, as well as his daily experience as a subaltern, had influenced his 
entire conduct; and yet the simplicity and genuineness of his character as a 
man was in no wise appreciably affected. In both these phases — as a sold er 
and as a man— he impressed others. Even the erstwhile hostile Pani chief, 
at their final parting, October 10, seemed to evince a genuine respect if not 
profound admiration of him. 

Some days after reaching the Arkansas, October 27, Lieutenant Wilkin- 
son, with five of the command, was detailed to convey to General Wilkinson, 
at St. Louis, a report of the results of the expedition thus far. Pike, with 
the sixteen men remaining, continued westward along the river, and No- 
vember 23 entered the present state of Colorado, where four days later he 
saw for the first time the distant peaks of the Rocky Mountains, one of 
which was ere long most appropriately to become a permanent and most 
impressive memorial to himself. His last day in Kansas was rendered 
noteworthy by an unexpected encounter with a band of sixty Chaui Panis, 
well armed with bows and arrows, lances and guns, returning from an un- 
successful foray upon the Comanches. Naturally, they were in an ugly 
mood, and proceeded at once to take sundry liberties with the sixteen way- 
worn soldiers. For a time it seemed probable that their scalps might soon 
be borne in triumph to the Platte river, in lieu of anticipated trophies from 
their southern foemen. The sturdy attitude of the commander, however, 
seconded by his handful of men, soon freed them from further annoyance. 
Small as his number was. he seems to express himself as almost regretful 

Note S. — The meaniriK of this maneuver was a peraonal challonRe to the chief to meet Pike 
at once, a« friend or foe : a bold act. prompted by his knowledtre of Indian methods. In this in- 
stance he cowed the chief for the time. Such challcnKers. however, did not always escape so for- 
tunately. 



20 Kansas State HistoHcal Society. 

that he did not at the outset meet the Pani insolence with instant resistance 
—the only case in which he was ever so treated by Indians." 

After the mountains were reached, for two months, till January 25, 
1807, he and his party were almost continuously engaged in an endeavor 
to trace out the various sources of the Arkansas among the mountains. 
As their horses were all worn out or had perished, the work was prose- 
cuted almost entirely on foot, through deep snow, amid bitter cold, with 
only light summer clothing for protection. At times game, their only 
resource for food, became so scarce that the most persistent efforts en- 
abled them to accomplish very little. Their only protection at night much 
of the time was pine boughs spread upon the snow, and no cover to 
shelter them. January 18, the rest of the men being completely broken 
down by reason of frozen feet and lack of food, Lieutenant Pike and one 
other, as being in the best condition, went hunting, in hope of thereby se- 
curing some relief from their dire distress. After tramping in vain all day, 
rather than return to camp empty-handed and thereby aggravate the pa- 
tient, hopeless suffering of their starving comrades, they preferred to pass 
the night unsheltered amid naked rocks upon the mountain side, almost 
wishing that they might not themselves survive to see the cheerless morrow. 
Providentially, the next day, after crawling a mile through the deep snow, 
they killed a buffalo, and were able to reach camp at dusk with a welcome 
supply for their suffering friends, the first food had for four days. Such 
was one of their bitter experiences. Pike records with evident pride that 
but once, amid all these extreme hardships, did he hear any murmuring or 
fretful complaint, and then from only one man. On the contrary, there was 
throughout a mutual appreciation and esteem existing between commander 
and men. January 28 it was resolved to cross the Sangre de Cristo moun- 
tains, an ill-starred movement, for in so doing the party passed unwittingly, 
so Pike represents, into the domain of New Mexico, and began to descend 
the Del Norte, supposing it to be the Red river. Upon a western affluent 
of this stream a stockade was finally erected, to serve as a protection for 
the remainder of the winter. After a fortnight's sojourn there the entire 
party was arrested by Mexican troops from Santa Fe. 

On February 27 one of the two officers in command of the Mexican force, 
Lieut. Don Bartolomeo Fernandez, charged with numerous letters and dis- 
patches from his associate. Lieutenant Saltelo, with a command of fifty 
men, started to escort Lieutenant Pike to Santa Fe. In answer to an inquiry 
from Pike, with some hesitation, Saltelo explained that his instructions were 
that he should remain to collect all of the men who, because of injuries or 
exhaustion, had not yet been able to reach the stockade, and then conduct 
the entire party to Santa Fe, an explanation that for the time failed to 
afford the inquirer entire satisfaction. On the way, at the village of San 
Juan, Pike was accosted by a man,"* claiming to be from the United States, 

Note 9.— The mention of this rencounter indicates what bold marauders the Pawnees were 
at that date. Incursions far to the southwest aRainst the Comanches in New Mexico, and even 
into Mexico,' were not uncommon. The chief object was, of course, to secure horses or captives, 
preferably boys and girls, for trade with the tribes toward the east and north. As indicated in 
this instance, they were not always successful in their forays. Though traveling on horseback, 
in case it became necessary to fight, offensively or defensively, they always preferred to meet 
their enemies on foot^ a lesson that Xenophon taught his Greeks more than 2000 years since. 

Note 10. — This fellow, Baptiste La Lande, was a renegade from Illinois or St. Louis. Some 
years earlier he had been engaged by Mr. William Morrison, a merchant in Cahokia, 111., to con- 
vey a consignment of goods to the Pawnee country, and after opening a trade there, to pass rap- 
idly to New Mexico with the greater part of the goods and dispose of them there at larger prices. 



The White Man's Foot in Kansas. 21 

whose conduct soon indicated that he was an emissary of the local authori- 
ties, to ascertain the purpose of his presence in that region, a surmise very 
soon verified. The fellow, as developed later, reported that the lieutenant 
was formerly governor of Illinois, a sufficient warning as to what yet might 
be in store. The following evening, March 3, Santa Fe, at that day a city 
of vivid contrasts, was reached. After dismounting, he was conducted at 
once through various rooms, carpeted with skins of buffaloes, bears and other 
large animals, into the audience room, there to await the convenience of 
the governor, Don Joaquin del Real Allencaster. Upon his appearance a 
series of rapid interrogations and quick replies ensued, as follows (in 
French) : 

"Governor: Do you speak French? 
Pike : Yes, sir. 

Governor : You come to reconnoiter our country, do you? 
Pike : I marched to reconnoiter our own. 
Governor: In what character are you? 

Pike : In my proper character, an officer of the United States army. 
Governor: And this Robinson — is he attached to your party? 
Pike: No. 

Governor: Do you know him? 
Pike: Yes; he is from St. Louis. 
Governor : How many men have you ? 
Pike : Fifteen. 

Governor: And this Robinson makes sixteen?" 

Pike : I have already told your excellency that he does not belong to 
my party, and shall answer no more interrogations on that subject. 
Governor : When did you leave St. Louis? 
Pike: July 15. 

Governor: I think you marched in June. 
Pike: No, sir!" 

In this colloquy, not the only one that had place between the two, the 
conscious dignity of the official and the poise and directness of the plain 
man are not entirely devoid of interest and suggestiveness. The governor 
was evidently nettled, though formally courteous, by the bearing of this 

But after this was done he quietly appropriated the funds received and settled for life in Santa 
Fe. Hiii call upon Pike was evidently inspired by the Mexican authorities, with a view of a.scer- 
tainin^ the actual motive of his presence there. In his awkward attempt, he of course failed to 
elicit the desired information In reporting- to Governor Allencaster he claimed that Pike had 
formerly been jrovernor of Illinois, ignorantly basing- his report upon the fact that for a time 
Pike had been in command of the troops then quartered at Kaskaskia, 111. 

Note 11. — Doctor Robinson was seemingly a free lance in the expedition, allowed place there 
by General Wilkinson, and for a time acted nominally as physician to the command, while his 
real charge was more likely to observe the conduct of the expedition, and later, upon nearing the 
confines of Mexico, to make his way to Santa Fe and there serve as an agent for the doughty 
general at St. Louis, by informing him as to the actual conditions of the province. Before leav- 
ing the command in the stockade ujxm the Conejos. Robinson confided to Pike that his motive for 
visiting New Mexico was of a pecuniary nature, apparently to collect an overdue claim from .'some 
delinquent debtor there. February ti he set out alone for Santa Fe. and was thereafter occupied 
with matters other than the health ii( his recent comrades. There is reason, therefore, to infer 
that he was in some guise acting under special instructions from General Wilkin.son. who was 
undoubtedly copartner with Burr in the great southwest conspiracy. After Pike reachcil Santa 
Fe. March 3. in an interview with Governor Allencaster he used language that might imply that 
he had no personal relations with Robinson, but during the entire progress of the expedition he 
seems to have been quite familiar with him: and soon after returning to the United States he at- 
tempted to aid in an endeavor to secure for Robinson a place in our regular army. At this point 
the query naturally presents itself. Was Pike in any degree aware of Wilkinson's purpose in thus 
giving Kobin.son a place in the expetiition: and if so, was Pike also in any way personally involved 
in the ignoble business? That an alert, cautious ollicer like Pike could ho easily luxxlwinked in 
such a case is, to say the least, surprising The matter most suggestive of his being not alto- 
gether free from malign taint is that an ollicer of .so high character heretofore and such keen 
discernment should unwittingly cross the Sangre de Cristo mountains into New Mexico, thereby 
come upon the Rin Grande, descend it for some distance, and linully construct a |iermnnent camp 
upon a tributary of that river, all the while supixising that he was upon the Red river (the Cana- 
dian)— all this is too remote to admit of easy cri-dence. Evidently tlnn- isajly in Ihr ointtiunt 
here — a thought reluctantly but unavoidably ndmitti-d. But there is a welcome counterpart to 



22 Kansas State Historical Society. 

new type of a man, from whom each reply, Hke the adroit riposte of a trained 
fencer, came instantly and effectively. On a subsequent interview the sol- 
dier was the interrogator, while the official, as respondent, was soon reduced 
to a confession of ignorance. No wonder that his excellency soon became 
restive in the presence of such a charge; for two days after his arrival, with 
a Spanish escort, he was on his way to report to the commandant, Gen. Don 
Nimesio Salcedo, at Chihuahua. To the governor's credit, however, be it 
said, that in personal intercourse he seems to have been ever courteous and 
considerate. The morning that his charge took his departure. Governor Al- 
lencaster presented him with a neck-cloth and shirt, made, as he explained, 
for himself by a sister in Spain, and never yet worn by any one; and deigned 
to convey him six miles on the way in his own official coach, parting finally 
with the kindly charge: "Remember AUencaster, in peace or war," 

A suggestive incident occurred after the convoy was well started on the 
way southward: A portion of Pike's men, apparently those who had suf- 
ficiently recovered from injuries received during the previous winter by rea- 
son of starvation or exposure to extreme cold, were permitted to carry arms 
throughout the remainder of the march. The invincible Spaniard, by long 
experience, had come to entertain a vivid sense of awe, when in the vicinity 
of the enterprising Apaches and Comanches, who at frequent intervals were 
wont to recreate themselves and their sure-footed ponies in forays over the 
region now being traversed. Very naturally, therefore, the thought had 
occurred to the receptive mind of some one in authority that the presence 
of a few armed Americans might exert a wholesome, dissuasive influence 
over the too familiar raider. The device was indeed timely, though not 
entirely patriotic. 

After a few days' progress, near the village of San Fernandez, on the 
Rio Grande, without forewarning. Lieutenant Malgares joined the command. 
For once the evenly poised Pike quite lost his self-control, ^- and for a time 
rode apart in an effort to recover himself. Malgares, apparently without a 
trace of Castilian pride or reserve, courteously endeavored to reassure him. 
Within two hours. Pike adds, they were entirely at ease. During the re- 
mainder of their intercourse, Malgares seemed to find special pleasure in 
obliging or aiding his companion, a conduct that was thoroughly appreciated. 
Happily, Pike was not the only beneficiary. The narrative records that this 
Spanish gentleman was habitually kind and helpful to the poor and needy, 
frequently emptying his pockets in attempts to relieve their suffering. 

Upon reaching Chihuahua, Malgares, apparently fearful that the results 
of his campaign might not receive approval, reported his return by letter, 
not in person, to Commandant General Salcedo. To his great relief, how- 
ever, in an audience granted by the general the following day, his conduct 
during the expedition was commended. Upon the entrance of Pike, intro- 

all this Six years later, now Brigadier-general Pike, commanding for the first time an inde- 
pendent force upon the field of battle, mortally wounded at the moment of victory, lay dying 
upon the deck of a warship upon Lake Ontario. Hi.s victory .iust achieved was twofold : a woe- 
ful series of defeats was at last retrieved by a victory that was final, but at the cost of the young 
commander's life. He was now no longer the tainted self upon the remote frontier of Mexico. 
The costly sacrifice just made had rehabilitated him. Let this expiate ! 

Note 12. -Some of the Pawnees that met Pike upon his visit to the village on the Republican, 
still surviving in the early '30's, recounted some of their recollections of him to a missionary then 
residing with the tribe.. Their statements were of a common tone. To them he was a new type 
of man- as they expressed it. he was a man ky himself. He was quiet, but resolute; he did more 
than he said; was always the same (never lost his even poise): his face never blanched nor his 
eye quailed; his eye was never unsteady, nor did his lips ever quiver, meaning that he was with- 
out fear, and he was always truthful. 



The White Man's Foot in Kansas. 23 

duced by Lieutenant Malj^fares. a brief but very formal conversation was 
had between the general and Lieutenant Pike. The papers of the latter 
were carefully examined by the general and a large portion of them never 
recovered. During his sojourn of nearly a month, through the courtesy of 
Malgai'es, he was frequently made welcome and entertained by many prom- 
inent citizens. 

CORONADO'S MARCH TO QUIVIRA.'^ 

The familiar sayings that actual life presents more frequent and impres- 
sive surprises or contrasts than fiction can achieve; that extremes so meet 
more frequently than the ordinary observer is aware have become truisms 
long since. Raleigh, the fond favorite of Queen Bess, and later mounting 
the scaffold at the behest of the sordid, driveling James; Najwleon at Auster- 
litz, and a few years after a peevish, mental and physical derelict at St. 
Helena, are instances that may be readily paralleled. Of such experiences, 
Spain, once the proud mistress of two continents, and later shorn of all do- 
main save the impoverished soil and unthrifty population of the Iberian 
peninsula, presents a vivid illustration of the trite truth. One such instance 
directly concerns us as a fitting foreground in connection with this writing. 

February 22. 1540, there were assembled at Compostela, in the state of 
Guadalajara, upon the western coast of Mexico, for formal inspection by the 
viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, a military force numbering, according to 
Mota Padilla, a creditable authority, 260 mounted cavaliers, 70 footmen, and 
more than 1000 friendly Indian allies. To furnish this command with ample 
supplies of every kind that might be useful the arsenals in Spain had been 
impoverished, while Mexico had been ransacked for immense quantities of 
provisions of every kind, the country had been levied upon for horses for 
the cavaliers and their attendants, as also for pack animals for the convey- 

NoTE 13.— In the preparation of this paper the following documents, have been constantly 
consulted: 

Relacion do la Jornada de Cibola compuesta por Pedro de Castaneda de Najera Donde se 
trata de todos aquellos poblados. y ritos y costumbres, lacual fue ano de 1540. 

Relacion hecha por el capitan Juan Jaramiilo, de la Jornada que habia hecho a la tierra nueva 
en Nueva Espana y al dcscubrimiento de Cibola, yendo por general Francisco Vazquez Coronado. 

Of these two narratives, as published in the fourteenth annual report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, Washington, D. C, of the seventy-six paKes of the translation of the first text, only 
four are concerned directly with the actual march toward Quivira, the investigations there made, 
and the final return thence to New Mexico: while in the brief record kept by Captain Jaramiilo 
two of the nine papos are devoted exclusively to these matters. The former was manifestly de- 
ficient as an observer, and to that defect must be added the fact that he did not hold the pen of 
a ready writer. His topographical statements are not always clear, while his use of the Spanish 
lanR-uavre, apparently his mother tongue, is at times quite beyond the reach of precise elucida- 
tion. .Jaramiilo, on the contrary, seems to have been an ollicer whose mental cast bespeaks the 
pre.sence of a rare precision and easy mastery in the recording of scenes and experiences met by 
the way. 

To these two documents should be added two briefer records : Carta de Francisco Vazquez 
Coronado al Empercador dandole cuenta de la espedicion a la provincia de Quivira. Desta pro- 
vincia de TiRuex, 20 Octubre. 1.541 : and Relacion del suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez 
hizo en el descubrimiento de Cilxila. 15-11, 

The first, third and fourth of these documents may also be found in volume 9 of a series of 
twenty volumes relating to early explorations in America, translated and published under the 
(supposed ) supervision of Henri Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1837-'41. The Jaramiilo narrative ap- 
pears in volume 6 of the sjime series. 

La relacion que flio Alvar Nunez C.ibeca de Vaca de lo ac.tyscido, translated from the Spanish 
text by Buckinprhani Smith. The title has leKitimate place here as indicalinsr that the course 
of de Vaca and Coronado actually ti>uchc<i at one point, thouirh at dilTerent dates. 

J. 11. Simpson, brevet bri»)radier-Keneral. Cornttado's March, publishetl in the annual report 
of the Smithsonian Institution for IHti'J. This carefully preparetl paper is the result of a on- 
tinue<l and painstaking inspection of the trround actually traversed, .so far as tloneral Simpson 
was able to discover, by Coronado's command after they pa.ssed the Tccolote mountains and en- 
tered the plains toward the east. It meriLs careful study from any one interesteil in the subject. 

Cyrus Thomas, Quivira — A Sui/0>Kli'»i. Volume 10. MaK'azine of American History.^ A 
brief, but valuable contribution to the much-vexe<I <iuestion. 

Hon. James W. Savajre. Tlip IHnconru o/ Xibntjihi. and .-l ViMt to \,brtu->ka in /rt'L'. In 
the first article the writer presents an insistent plea to the elTect that Con>nado found no (.Juivira 
till he had penetrated eastern Nebraska. As a lineal Nebraskan it was for some years my fond 



24 Kansas State Historical Society. 

ance of food for man and beast. The cavaliers were furnished with swords, 
lances, arquebuses, shields, armor and crossbows at will. Mendoza also con- 
tributed supplies of various kinds so liberally that he almost beggared him- 
self. A more impressive and picturesque procession has probably not been 
since beheld in Mexico than was afforded as the column passed, Spaniards 
and allied Indians, in review before the eyes of the viceroy, now at last ac- 
tually entering upon a campaign for exploration or conquest, as the case 
might be, of unknown extent or duration. Naturally the most sanguine ex- 
pectations were entertained of its entire success. The route taken was to 
be north so far as the head of the gulf of California, and thence eastward 
to an undetermined distance. 

At the head of this proud cortege rode the chieftain whose actions and ex- 
periences after he passed eastward from New Mexico we are to attempt to 
trace and elucidate, Francisco Vazquez Coronado, a Spanish gentleman, it is 
a pleasure to record, thus far of unsullied repute, of ample fortune, and of 
acknowledged ability. 

Scarcely had two years passed ere the counterpart of this hopeful pic- 
ture was presented. The ragged, wayworn survivors of the expedition, 
returning from their futile quest, scarcely reached the frontiers of Mexico 
ere they began to leave their ranks and to attempt to make their way un- 
known, by devious paths, to their homes, if such they had. There was 
nowhere even the semblance of a welcome awaiting them. The proud heroes 
of the review at Compostela, exulting in the thought of victories to be won 
and fabulous wealth to be had for the mere taking, after two years of want 
and loss were seen returning homeward empty handed, a mortification to 
their kinsmen and a malign burden to the country. 

desire that the theory might prove correct. But a repeated personal inspection of central Kan- 
sas and eastern Nebraska, together with a careful study of the narratives of Coronado's move- 
ments after crossing the Arkansas, satisfied me that he did not move further north than the 
Kansas river, vrith his headquarters probably in the vicinity of Junction City. During his brief 
sojourn he may for a short distance have ascended some of the near-by northern tributaries, as- 
the Republican and others. Considerations of the topography round about, the frequent strearns, 
the ever-varying surface features, bedecked by the pleasing variety and vigorous growth of its 
native products, attracted from the members of Coronado's escort far more frequent notice and 
mention than its northern sister could offer as an inducement to proceed further toward the 
north. But beyond this, so far as the tradition of the Pawnees (the original Quivirans) indicated, 
Nebraska was not finally occupied by them till the early part of the seventeenth century, perhaps 
during the years 1620-'50. Governor Onate, in his exploring tour of 1598, found the region of the 
Kansas still occupied by them. 

The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, by W. W. H. Davis, Doylestown, Pa.. 1869. This 
volume is in every respect a creditable production. The author, while busily engaged in multi- 
farious official duties in New Mexico, soon after the American occupation, early became interested 
in the history of the territory, and with only feeble assistance succeeded in burrowing from the 
accumulated Spanish archives in Santa Fe materials sufficient to shed a flood of welcome light 
upon the earlier conditions during the long period of the Spanish occupation. His account of 
Coronado's tour is brief, as he was probably not able to consult at the time the original Spanish 
narratives, and so he was obliged to rely upon an imperfect French translation, already noticed. 

Historical Sketches of New Mexico, from the Earliest Records to the American Occupation, 
by L. Bradford Prince, Kansas City, 1883. In chapter 5 of this volume we find a discussion of 
Coronado's Quivirian march. As there presented by this author, Coronado advanced quite to the 
Missouri river, at some point between Kansas City and Council Bluffs. Of course the distance 
from the Canadian river to this vaguely presented point might have been traversed within the 
forty-eight days allowed; but there is an entire dearth of evidence that such a distance was 
made. It is simply impossible that the command should have beheld the Missouri, the most im- 
posing and mighty stream east of the Rocky Mountains, and made no mention of it. And so the 
vital fact in this chapter, the exact point at which Coronado's movement actually did touch upon 
the Missouri, is left entirely in the air. 

History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888. volume 17 of the works of Hubert Howe Ban- 
croft. San Francisco. 1889. The view taken by this writer of the much- vexed theme of the exact 
site of the elusive Quivira. as here presented is partially satisfactory, inclining apparently to 
the conclusion reached by General Simpson, an excellent authority, to the effect that Quivira oc- 
cupied a point in eastern Kansas between the Arkansas and Missouri rivers. The only stricture 
to be offered as to this -decision is to the effect that topographical data, as already stated, as de- 
veloped in the last days of Coronado's advance, seems to afford us satisfactory evidence that 
Quivira was in 1.540, and for some time thereafter, upon the Kansas river in central Kansas. 
Upon that point the statements are distinct and authoritative. 



The White Man's Foot in Kansas. 25 

Returning now to our immediate text, the progress of this historic march 
east and northeast from New Mexico, so far as now known Coronado was 
undoubtedly the first white man that ever trod the soil of Kansas. By what 
route he reached its southern border, however, just how far in each direc- 
tion he penetrated within its domain, what were his exact expectations and 
daily experiences while here, no one, at this distance in time, has been able 
to precisely determine. Oh, that the order of a later day, that every com- 
mander of an expedition sent out by the authorities of Mexico should keep a 
daily record of his movements, experiences, and discoveries, had been in 
force at that day ! A journal of such character from the hand of Coronado 
would undoubtedly have proven a noteworthy contribution. Many a crooked 
way would have no doubt been made plain, much to his honor. 

The relations now accessible, other than the letter of Coronado to the 
King of Spain, bearing the date of October 20, 1541, as giving a record of 
his various movements prior to and during the final direct march toward 
Quivira, afford evidence that they were compiled some time subsequent to 
the accomplishment of the expedition, apparently without reference to any 
contemporary notes, and under conditions widely diverse from the scenes 
and occurrences described. There is no apparent gi-ound to suppose that 
the writers had any direct knowledge of other narratives than their own. 
Each of them may therefore be taken as an original and independent docu- 
ment, each serving in certain details to supplement or reinforce the others. 
To aid in interpreting them correctly, however, in the elucidation of Coro- 
nado's movements while endeavoring to reach the domain of Quivira, or 
the present Kansas, it seems desirable that certain important preliminary 
considerations be here presented. 

The careful computation of the distance or progress made each day was 
most essential. The usual method seems to have been to detail a man or 
men each day, whose duty it became to carefully pace the day's march. 
The device was certainly easy and at casual view seemed no doubt fairly re- 
liable. When, however, the influence of the topographical features encoun- 
tered during each day's march are considered — the ever-recurring ascents 
and descents, the detours in avoidance of obstacles, the crossing of streams, 
the interference from surface growths, the nature of the soil as firm or 
yielding — all such conditions rendered necessary a careful revision of the 
distances apparently covered. Yet there is nowhere found evidence of any 
such correction even being thought of. Add to the foregoing data the 
steady decrease in the vigor of this human odometer, and the total reduction 
in the nominal daily estimates seriously prejudices the sum total in the final 
records. From repeated personal inspection I am satisfied that in some of 
the marches made by Coronado in Kansas, notably while passing from his 
first crossing of the Arkansas northeasterly till near the present town of 
Great Bend and thence toward the Kansas river, the distances given are too 
large. 

But this is not all: The matter of direction is quite as important as dis- 
tance. In certain instances the statement is met in the narratives that the 
daily course was determined bif the needle, an assurance by no means un- 
welcome. Evidently the comi)ass was present, but not always in active 
service. Mention accordingly appears of a bowman, apparently an Indian 
( for such usage was familiar to them ) , serving as a substitute. The moment 
the column was ready to move in the morning, the bowman discharged an 



26 Kansas State Historical Society. 

arrow at an elevation of about thirty degrees in the direction of the proposed 
advance. Noting the exact point at which the missile struck the ground, 
the archer advanced about two-thirds of the distance and sent another arrow, 
as nearly as might be with the same force, in the same direction. As he 
passed the first arrow, he carefully withdrew it from the ground, and so 
continued as long as the march lasted. To be sure there is an element of 
personal pride as well as novelty in this scheme; but as the day passes, it 
becomes mechanical and therefore wearisome, and at once its value there- 
after is questionable. A striking illustration of the possible errancy of this, 
usage is afforded in the return march of Coronado's army from the country 
of Quivira. Relying upon this method, upon reaching the Cicuye river they 
found themselves thirty leagues south of the point intended, i. e. , the bridge 
by which they crossed, when setting out, April 23, 1541. Another of the 
devices resorted to in this connection also evinced a degree of simplicity not 
usual in the stately Spaniard. A detail was made whose duty for the time 
it became to collect stones or buffalo-chips and arrange them in piles at in- 
tervals along the route, so that, in case of need, they might be enabled 
thereby to retrace their way in safety. ^^ 

At this point, preparatory to the final advance towards Quivira, an ex- 
planation of certain intermediate movements seems befiting. April 23, 1541, 
in pursuit of the long sought, evasive Quivira, the army leaving Cicuye, 
eighteen miles southeast of the present Santa Fe, crossed the eastern 
mountain range, the Tecolote mountains, and debouched upon the plains be- 
yond. Four days brought them to the Mora, a deep, rapid confluent of the 
Canadian river. Here four days were occupied in the construction of a 
bridge. So far the march was in the direction of Quivira ; but in the sub- 
sequent thirty- seven days' marching an unexpected change took place. In- 
stead of continuing northeast, the proper direction, a deflection toward the 
east, and finally almost to the southeast, develops. At intervals on this 
long advance halts were made. But in no instance is an explanation made 
for the halts or for the change of course. A plausible solution may, how- 
ever, be presented. For more than a year the army had been forcing its 
way north through Mexico and eastward through the present Arizona and 
New Mexico as far as the Rio Grande. Not infrequently horses and men 
had suffered from lack of sufficient sustenance. The winter just passed had 
been unusually severe and proper provisions scanty. It was natural, there- 
fore, that April 23 the horses would not be found in good condition for a 
long and trying march. Coronado was a kind, observant man, and was of 
course entirely conversant with the situation. Instead of discussing the 
matter generally, he seems to have met the exigency quietly in his own way. 

When the march was resumed, after the passage of the Mora river was 
accomplished, it was soon remarked that the course was inclining somewhat 
toward the east; at successive stages the deflection became more pro- 
nounced, till finally, as already indicated, it was almost southeast. The ex- 
planation is easy and natural. For an unknown period there has existed a 
frequented route or trail along the northern max'gin of the Canadian river 

Note 14.— The explanation given at this point as to the use made of stones and buffalo-chips 
is misleading. Downtrodden grass did. if not completely beaten down to the ground, a condi- 
tion not usual, soon resumes its natural position and apparently obliterate the trail; yet any one, 
with an eye to see. at half a glance might readily discover, without dismounting, the equally 
manifest and more permanent trail, the tracks of the horse.s in the only half-hidden soil. The 
extremely self-conscioua Spaniards were not always renowned as quick or accurate observers. 



The Wliitc Man's Foot in Kansas. 27 

throughout its entire course. As early as the date of the Louisiana pur- 
chase the Indians claimed that this trail had long been a common thorough- 
faro for eastern tribes when raiding into New Mexico for horses and other 
booty. The only probable reason that the pathway should exist there, 
rather than upon some other stream, must be that it was more expeditious; 
it presented fewer obstacles interfering with rapid and safe travel. Prior 
to all this, however, was another: the Indian captive, Turk, who was acting 
as guide, conceiving the idea of escaping to his own people, had so far be- 
guiled Coronado as to induce him to move in this direction as the proper 
course to reach Quivira. Turk was no doubt a native of some tribe near 
the Mississippi, for his description of the scene quoted from Castafieda, one 
of the chroniclers of Coronado's march, portrays an ordinary, familiar scene 
upon the Mississippi river at that time; while the second writer, the Knight 
of Elvas, a chronicler of Soto's expedition, presents an ornate naval display 
on the part of the Indians before the Spanish chieftain. Though the condi- 
tions were so diverse, theunderlined portions indicate essential resemblances. '^ 
Between the two writers there could have been no collusion. The natural 
inference is, therefore, that each of the narrators was personally familiar 
with such scenes, and evidently for once Turk spoke the truth, and was 
probably, as he claimed, a native of the Mississippi valley. And so in his 
attempted misleading of Coronado, Turk's motive was obviously twofold — 
to escape to his own people, and also meantime to involve the Spaniards in 
some desolate region where, for lack of sustenance, all would perish, as will 
appear later. 

As it happened, the route followed seems for the time to have satisfied 
both the commander and the guide: the former, in that it afforded an easy 
progress, with at least two notable halts at convenient points to rest and 
recuperate the horses; and the guide, in that each march served to bring 
him nearer to his kindred. At each of these two halts the command 
seems to have been welcomed and loyally entertained by each of the Indian 
tribes met, then upon their annual summer buffalo hunt, the Querechos, and 
farther east the Teyas, the two tribes probably representing the Tonkawas 
and Comanches of later days. The abundant growth of buffal6-grass in the 
region attracted vast herds of those animals, and naturally at the proper 
season these Indians congregated thither. The conditions exactly suited 
Coronado's desires also. He obtained thereby a supply of dried meat, and 
secured a favorable opportunity to recruit his worn horses, as the grass was 
quite as grateful to them as to the buffalo, even though it did not supply the 
place of corn, their proper diet. Each of the Indian tribes, it may be ob- 
served, had pitched its village in a ravine or barranca, a miniature canon, 
not uncommon in that locality, worn abruptly into the prairie by heavy rain 
torrents, as it afforded concealment as well as shelter and quiet. These 
halts at the same time afforded diversion to the men of the army, many of 
whom were not in a kindly mood. Accompanying the Indians upon the daily 

Note 15.— The two pa-ssaR-es are as follows: 

" He (Turk ) claimed that in his native country, where the land was level, there was a river 
two leaKue.s in width, in which there were fi.-<hes as Iar>re as horses, and many canora o/grcat 
size with more than twinti/oarsmen upon either side. The boat» carried aailiiand tlie chiefs sat 
at the stern under awninus. while upon the prow was a larite eu)?le of jrold." 

"The next day the caci<iue arrived, with ,'ixi cinoesjiUed with men. havinjr weapons. They 
were pnintetl with i>chre, wearinir trreat bunches nf white and other plumes of many colors, hav- 
intr featheriHl shields in their hands, with which Ihvy ahellrred the oarsmen upon cither tide, the 
warriors standing erect from Ikiw to stern, holilinK Imiws and arrows. The barge in which the 
cacujue came had an aivningat the poop under lehich he sat." 



28 Kansas State Historical Society. 

chase, themselves mounted, while the Indians were on foot, it is safe to say 
that in the excitement of the slaughter they did not spare their already 
worn horses. Thus far a progress of thirty-seven days of actual marching, 
with intervening halts, had been made, a distance of 250 leagues, if we may 
accept as correct the daily estimates as registered. The general direction 
had meanwhile for much of the way obviously inclined toward the southeast. 
The farthest point thus far attained was, therefore, short of the western 
border of the present Pottawatomie reservation, upon the Canadian river. 

At this point a final crisis occurred. Coronado was undoubtedly in some 
degree already dissatisfied with the conditions developing. His horses were 
not gaining in strength nor in efficiency; and long and familiar intercourse 
with the Indians he saw was not advantageous to his men nor to the Teyas. 
The lawless conduct of the soldiers had proven ofl'ensive to the tribe as well 
as a source of serious loss to them. The wanton pillaging of a large store 
of tanned skins by the ruthless, turbulent soldiery, probably the entire sup- 
ply so far secured in the summer hunt for use as clothing and shelter during 
the approaching winter, was a fair instance of the attitude of the Spaniards 
of that day toward the natives.^** The recollection of such imposition did 
not, however, readily or soon fade from the Indians' memory. Deterred, 
no doubt, for the time, by the obvious fact that the Spaniard had the advan- 
tage of horses, mail, and firearms, they prudently refrained from attempt 
at retaliation; but beyond question the hostilities, maintained for three cen- 
turies against the Spaniards of Mexico and New Mexico by the Comanches, 
had their earliest spring in the evil doings just mentioned of Coronado's 
men. The wrongs then quietly submitted to have since been thus avenged 
more than an hundredfold. In the presence of such development, it is no 
cause for wonder that the Teyas guides deserted Coronado ere he was well 
on his way toward Quivira; or that the guides of the main body of the army, 
while returning to New Mexico, were found to be thirty leagues astray f romi 
their goal, Tiguex ! 

But beyond all these embarrassing circumstances, Coronado was at last 
convinced that his chief guide, Turk, had all the while been cunningly be- 
guiling him far from his true aim, the discovery of Quivira Startled by 

Note 16. — In connection with this incident — the pillaging of the skins— there is an unsolved, 
perhaps insoluble mystery. At all events it is one of the noteworthy occurrences of this march 
that could not readily fade from the memory of the Indians. As the advance-guai-d of the army, 
after parting from the Querechos, neared the camp of the Teyas further east, the Indians gatli- 
ered into an immense pile all the dressed skins so far taken that season, with eager expectation 
that some devout Spaniard would pronounce a blessing upon them, little suspecting what was 
the character of the approaching visitors. Later information derived from an aged, blind Indian 
served to explain the expectation of the Indians in so doing. It developed that some years pre- 
vious Cabeca de Vaca and his forlorn comrades, the sole survivors of the Narvaez invasion of 
Florida, in their wandering through Texas, came upon this tribe, upon the very spot, so Casta- 
neda affirms, where Coronado found them, while Jaramillo records that it was near there, but in 
the direction toward New Spain, i. e.. toward Mexico. Castaneda undoubtedly misunderstood the 
signs used by his informant, for it is not probable that Vaca was ever north of the Red river, 
while the statement of Jaramillo allows a plausible explanation. It may be, at the date of 
Vaca's coming, the tribe was for some reason hunting part of the season at some distance toward 
the southwest. Bandelier places the most northern point of Vaca's wandering at about latitude 
thirty-one degrees, upon the Colorado river in Texas; but that point could not be described as 
near. It is not, however, at all improbable that such a meeting did occur at some distance to- 
ward the southwest in Texas. Vaca. ere he met the tribe, had already, by certain cures that he 
had wrought upon sick Indians, conciliated the good will of certain tribes to such a degree that 
he was regarded as a magician, i. e., as a great medicine man. The Teyas had evidently learned 
the fact. Upon his coming among them, therefore, he had met a cordial welcome. The Indians 
gathered all their tanned skins into a great pile and requested him to bless them, i. e., to impart a 
magic charm to them. With this petition he complied. Upon the approach of Coronado's com- 
mand, supposing them to be of like character with Vaca, the Indians ventured to solicit a like 
favor, with the result that the conscienceless cavaliers, to the dismay and grief of the confiding 
Indians, stole the greater part of their har^-won skins. 



Tlie White Midi's foot i){ Kansas. 29 

the awkward dilemma, the waste of precious time, he faced the crisis reso- 
lutely and elToctivoly. Turk, made to confess at once and fully his knavery, 
was put into chains; thirty of the most resolute men were selected from 
the command, and mounted upon the best horses, with six sturdy footmen 
accompanying. To the appeal of the rest of the command, that they also 
might join in the exploration, a steadfast refusal was returned by Coronado, 
and instead orders were at once issued that they should occupy themselves 
for a few days in securing a supply of dried buffalo meat, and as soon as 
possible thereafter should set out upon their return to Tiguex. So persist- 
ent, however, were they in their solicitation that they even sent a delega- 
tion to overtake their commander when already well on his way, and again 
urged their request, with the only result that a more peremptory order 
was returned, that, without further delay, they proceed at once to their 
destination.'" 

Upon setting out Coronado seems to have recognized Isopete, a native of 
Quivira, as his chief guide and interpreter, though certain Teyas Indians 
were, for a few days, present in like capacity. The hapless Turk was taken 
along as a malefactor in chains. At this point a perplexing problem presents 
itself. While the other narratives are silent as to the exact route taken by 
Coronado, Jaramillo states specifically that the course taken from the Teyas 
village was due north. That such a course should have been literally fol- 
lowed seems scarcely possible— at least so doing would have brought the 
force to the southern boundary of Kansas far towards its eastern border, 
while the topographical data as to their movements in Kansas, the most dis- 
tinctly traceable portion of the entire march, require that they should have 
entered the state far west of any such limitation. It is very possible, how- 
ever, that it did move directly north from the Teyas village till the Cimarron 
river was reached, then crossing to its northern bank, which is a compara- 
tively open terrain, offering few obstructions, he followed its course toward 
the northwest till near longitude twenty-three degrees; thence two easy 
marches directly north would bring him to the Arkansas, at a point known 
in the early 1800's as The Caches, near the mouth of Mulberry creek, a short 
distance east of the present Fort Dodge, then a much used crossing place. 
The promptitude and precision evident in this progress so far we may 
safely attribute to the presence of the Quiviran guide, Isopete, a very dif- 
ferent character from the tortuous Turk. Such a course, in an entirely 
simple and natural way, connects directly with the later movements made 

Note 17. — "About this time [as the main bxxly of the army was preparinR to start for TiR-uex], 
a tattooed Indian woman escaped from Capt. Juan de Saldibar and lay in hiding amonfr the ra- 
vines, as she recoprnized the region [ whither they were vroing I as TiRue.x, where she had formerly 
been a slave. Later [after the army started for Titfuex] in her flight eastward, she fell into the 
hands of some Spaniards from Florida, who had penetrated thither on an explorintr tour. After 
returninK to New Spain. I heard from some of these men f Soto's] that the woman told them that 
for nine days she was (leein>r from just such men as they were, and she even named several of 
the captains [Coronado's]. From this fact wo were led to believe that we were then not far dis- 
tant from the region where they [Soto's army ] were then exploring." 

While Coronado was upon the point of starting for Quivira, Soto was prolwibly approaching 
western Arkan.sas, late in June or early in July. If the farthest advance of the former was. as 
before suggested, somewhat west of the present Pottawatomie reservation, it wa.x not impossible 
for the fugitive woman to traverse the intervening distance within the limit of nine days. The 
probable proximity of the two forces at this point naturally prompts the query why they did not 
meet. The pru<ient reserve of the Indians roundabout was doubtless the effective obstacle. The 
neighboring IriU's undoubtinlly understcxxl the exact conditions as to the tlistance and plight of 
each army. As each con\mander had faile«l to conciliate their confidence or ginxl will, thi-y were 
simply left to themselves in blissful ignorance. Neither general, after so meager showing of 
actual achievement, would have l)een of any great advantage to the other. A meeting or con- 
ference under existing circumstances would have proven mutually mortifying. Such an ordeal 
was therefore mercifully spared them. 



30 Kansas State Historical Society. 

within Kansas. Jaramillo remarks that the moment Isopete saw the Arkan- 
sas he recognized it as the southern boundary of Quivira. As the stream 
was reached on St. Peter and St. Paul's day, June 28, Jaramillo chose to 
designate it as the River of St. Peter and St. Paul. Isopete described it as 
being below, i. e., some distance south, of the Quiviran villages, forming 
thus the extreme southern frontier of their domain. 

Crossing at the aforesaid Caches, the command moved with the current, 
i. e., down stream, along the northern margin of the river, northeast for 
three days. On the way they came upon some Indians slaughtering buffalo 
to secure a supply of dried meat for conveyance to their villages, distant 
four days' march, northeast from the neighborhood of the present town of 
Great Bend. At the sight of the Spaniards the women and children raised 
a great outcry and began to flee; but at Isopete 's calling to them they 
recognized the language as their own, and at once dismissing all apprehen- 
sion associated with the whites without hesitation. Soon after the Indians 
set out with their dried meat for their villages toward the northeast. The 
command followed by easy marches, and in due time reached the Smoky 
Hill river, probably at or near the present Fort Harker. On the way much 
satisfaction was expressed in viewing the fine soil and excellent native prod- 
ucts abounding along the watercourses, though they arrived in the dry 
season. Following the Smoky Hill in the detour through the counties of 
Ellsworth, McPherson, and Saline, a tour of three or four days, they dis- 
covered meantime six or seven considerable villages, probably at last ar- 
riving at the present Solomon City. Following the Kansas in due time 
eastward the command, it is quite safe to say, advanced as far as the 
present Junction City, as mention is made of meeting an affluent of the 
Kansas river which had more water than any other tributary thus far met, 
a distinction that still holds true, as well as more Indian villages upon its 
course. Besides, that stream was long a familiar highway or route with 
the Indians of that region when moving north or south, probably at that 
time, as it actually was for two or more centuries later. 

One of the villages met was Quivira, the chief village of the domain 
known as Quivira, including at that date, it would seem, all of central and 
eastern Kansas. Just where that village, the capital, was situated, I was 
unable to determine. From all information thus far secured, from records, 
published narratives, as well as from repeated personal investigation of the 
country traversed by Coronado after he reached the Cimarron river, I am 
strongly inclined to believe that he did not penetrate into Nebraska. As a 
native of that state, born in the days when the lineally descended Quivirans 
(Pawnees) yet abounded in their pristine prowess, I long cherished the hope 
that evidence complete and satisfactory might yet be discovered that would 
serve to substantiate the long asserted claim that he did really enter and 
for a time tarried in that region. But time nor effort in research upon the 
ground, tradition, nor documentary evidence, has availed, so far as I may 
discover, to substantiate the ever-recurring claim. 

The geographical contour of the country inclines one to conclude that 
Coronado's headquarters were established at or near the present Junction 
City, while he and his men were busily engaged in exploring the region round 
about. From thef farthest point reached toward the north he sent a re- 
quest to the chieftain of Harahey— a region further towards the north— that 
he would consent to visit him (Coronado). Shortly after the dignitary ap- 



27^'' White Man'i< Foot hi Kunaas 31 

peared with an escort of 200 braves, armed with bows and arrows and wear- 
ing "some sort of things upon their heads," evidently imposing war-bonnets 
made of eagles' feathers, but otherwise almost entirely devoid of clothing 
or armor. These Indians were undoubtedly from Nebraska. The impression 
made by them upon Coronado seems to have been favorable; but the late- 
ness of the season forbade longer tarrying. 

At this point our last intelligence of the ill-starred Turk is had. The 
exact time of the occurrence is not given, but circumstances seem to com- 
bine in indicating this point in the record. Taking advantage of the absence 
of Coronado and a portion of his small escort while in conference with the 
chief of Harahey. Turk had by some means come in contact with the In- 
dians of the village known as Quivira, and made an earnest and persistent 
endeavor to induce them to unite with him in massacreing the entire Spanish 
force. The matter was communicated to Coronado after his return. There- 
upon a council was called. The evidence against Turk was apparently con- 
clusive. It was disclosed by himself that even before the command had 
started from Cicuye he had made a covenant with the chiefs of that vil- 
lage that he would, when once upon the plains, by leading them far away 
into some desolate region, where, once lost and their supplies entirely con- 
sumed, they would all perish by starvation. Thus at last the mystery of the 
march in search of Quivira is disclosed. Turk had deliberately led them 
southeast, instead of northeast, away from the desired goal, in an attempt 
to discharge his promise to the Cicuyan magnates. In view of such dis- 
closures, Turk was at once condemned and put to death secretly. Jaramillo 
disposes of him quaintly and appropriately: "We learned of it [his intrigu- 
ing with the Indians] and put him under guard and strangled him that night, 
so that he did not wake up." 

Soon after this conference was had, in a council of his men called by the 
commander, it was decided that, as the season for further exploration was 
already brief, the winter in that latitude inhospitable, and an attempt to 
remain there, where supplies for men and horses could be obtained only 
with extreme difficulty, could not safely be ventured, their only course was 
to return so soon as might be to Tiguex. The claim was put forth that 
Coronado in his extreme northward movement, to meet the chief from 
Harahey, reached latitude forty degrees; but it must be borne in mind that 
the computations of Spanish explorers at that day were almost always too 
large in matters of distance. The entire time passed among the Quivirans 
was given as twenty-five days; busy days, no doubt, and not entirely re- 
sultless to either Indians or Spaniards. It will be noticed that during his 
sojourn in the country the relations of Coronado's men with the Indians, 
wherever met north of the Arkansas, were entirely amicable. They fur- 
nished supplies to their visitors, acted as guides, and gave information 
readily, except when questioned as to personal or intertribal matters. 
Evidently the commander in this enterprise had selected safe men. 

At first meeting, the impressions entertained of the Quivirans were to the 
effect that there was in them little to commend. But ere the final parting came 
this hasty view was essentially modified in their favor. They were found 
to be industrious, raising corn, beans and pumpkins in considerable quantity 
in the valleys along the streams; they constructed substantial frameworks 
of withes for their winter lodges and thatched them securely with prairie- 
grass, and overlaid this with thin turf. They tanned buffalo hides for winter 



32 Kansas State Historical Society. 

clothing. They also dressed skins with the hair remaining upon them, and 
thus obtained warm bedding for winter use. It may also be added that, so 
far as extended investigation indicates, they were the first to introduce the 
cultivation of corn in our northern latitudes west of the Mississippi, bring- 
ing it from their kindred tribes upon the Red river when the northern migra- 
tion begun. So close was the cultivation and use of this cereal associated 
with their tribal history that in their religious services they personified it as 
a token or symbol of the presence of the Great Spirit (the Power above). 
This corn, pulverized in a mortar after being parched, made a very palatable 
hasty pudding or bread. In this use they often spoke of it as mother. They 
also gathered and dried for domestic use some of the native fruits, as cher- 
ries, plums, and grapes. Certain wild nuts were collected and preserved for 
like use. 

As to the nature of the soil and character of the country, so far as vis- 
ited, Jaramillo remarks that he never saw a better region in all his travels 
in Spain, Italy, France, or any country where he had traveled in the service 
of the king of Spain. The surface of the country was diversified by hillocks, 
valleys and plains, and traversed in various directions by fine rivers and 
streams; in short, he writes as confident that under proper cultivation it 
would produce in abundance all kinds of crops. So favorable was the im- 
pression made as to the value of the country that a plan seems to have been 
entertained, if not actually determined, to return thither the following spring 
for the purpose of conquering and colonizing the entire region; but happily, 
ere that time arrived, Coronado's entire army was marching, empty-handed, 
in quite another direction. The only surviving evidence thereafter of his 
ever having been in Kansas was a cross erected, in the chief village prob- 
ably, upon which was chiseled by the commander the statement that he had 
been there as general of an army— of thirty-six men! The route taken by 
his Quiviran guides seems to have been simply a retracing of his advance 
into Quivira so far as the Arkansas; thence they bore more to the west, 
much of the way following paths made by the buffalo in their annual migra- 
tions, till Tiguex was the last time reached. That Coronado's relations with 
the Quivirans was entirely amicable, so long as he was with them, is suffi- 
ciently evidenced in the conduct of his guides— they were faithful. From 
the Arkansas they brought him by a direct, much shorter route to the de- 
sired goal. 

The results of this costly enterprise, so far as concerned Spain, other than 
the geographical knowledge gained of the country seen and traversed, were in 
the end destined to become to all concerned in it a source of extreme mortifica- 
tion. In fitting out and maintaining the expedition Mexico had impoverished 
itself. The indebtedness incurred long hung like an incubus over the 
country. Instead of securing to the throne of Spain enlarged dominion and 
wealth of provinces, as time passed the new country for more than half a 
century remained unvisited and unoccupied, only to fall finally under the 
control of an unfriendly power, no lineal heir of Castile succeeding to its 
possession. Castaheda, for some unknown reason, seems to have been ap- 
prehensive that neither the feeble band that explored and discovered so 
much in the province that rendered it desirable to Spain, nor their descend- 
ants, should ever derive any advantage therefrom. Accordingly the pro- 
posed scheme of returning thither the ensuing year to conquer and colonize 
the country was never undertaken. When the white man's foot was again 



.S' 




N 



^ 

» 



CORO 




CQRON/^OO'S ffOUTE /N A?7/V5/7S 



The White Man's Foot in K(tnsas. 33 

seen it came from the more benign sunrising. Another manner of man ap- 
peared, whom the denizens of the prairies soon learned to recognize as the 
master alike of the country and its inhabitants, the facile and versatile 
Frenchman. 

One further incident merits notice at this point, a failure that seriously 
mars the record of the discoveries actually made. It is noticeable that, 
while Coronado was for twenty-five days busily engaged in his explorations 
in the region roundabout, there is no mention that any of these efforts were 
directed toward the east, at least further than the Big Blue, a few miles 
east from his probable headquarters, at or near Junction City. The natural 
explanation of this fact may be that the Indians, when questioned as to the 
conditions in that direction, diplomatically refrained from giving any specific 
information, and so, when already within less than a hundred miles of the most 
wonderful watercourse east of the Rocky Mountains, Coronado and his com- 
mand were fated to return to Mexico blissfully ignorant of the existence 
and near presence of the Missouri river. The discovery and early explora- 
tion of the stream was thus fortunately reserved for their more complaisai^ 
and enterprising rivals, the Krench voyageurs and coureur des bois, who m 
due time thereafter were eagerly pressing westward from Canada along the 
great lakes and the eastern affluents of the Mississippi. So disheartening 
was the issue of Coronado's expedition that for fifty years or more the 
dream of the golden Quivira remained quiescent, as least so far as concerned 
any overt effort; yet, like the familiar stage ghost, it persistently would 
not down at the mere bidding. It still infected the minds of the Spaniards 
of Mexico. Near the close of the century, apparently during the years 
1594-'96, the governor of Nueva Vizcaya commissioned Capt. Francisco 
Leiva Bonilla to chastise some turbulent Indians that were harrassing the 
province. While upon this service he conceived the scheme of extending his 
operations to the distant Quivira, and without authority set out thither. At 
some point, going or returning, he was in a quarrel killed by a subordi- 
nate. Juan de Humana, who at once assumed the command. The expedition 
probably reached central Kansas, and possibly passed beyond toward the 
northwest to some gold-mines— the Black Hills, perhaps. While upon their 
return, at some point in southern Kansas, apparently the entire command 
was massacred, while asleep by night in camp, save two, a boy and a girl, 
who escaped by the aid of some roving Indians. The story of Governor 
Onate's expedition will appear later. 

The reader will have observed ere this that in his movements in Kansas, 
and even earlier, Coronado evinced an habitual penchant, not necessarily an 
unwise trait, to conform his movements to the course of streams met upon 
the way. After crossing the Arkansas he moved along its northern margin, 
till information given by th6 Indians indicated that he must abandon it. 
Retaining his general direction, however, an easy march of three or four 
days would bring his escort to the Smoky Hill, near the present Fort Harker. 
This stream he undoubtedly followed in its southern detour, as already de- 
scribed, thereby meeting more frequent Indian villages; thence a few miles 
east he came upon the Kansas river, which brought him without doubt to 
the Republican, and quite likely to the Big Blue. A moment's glance at the 
map of the state would perhaps suggest to the Kansans of the present day 
that they, unconsciously, it may be, have to some degree entered into and 
-3 



34 Kansas State Histoncal Society. 

perpetuated Coronado's liking for streams. During his brief exploitation of 
the region he was rarely if ever distant from the Republican, the Kansas, 
the Big Blue, or the Smoky Hill. Streams, moreover, as Jaramillo, who 
wrote an account of the movements of the command, wisely observed, fur- 
nish the best soil and the most varied products, and thereunto they that are 
wise do ever congregate; flourishing towns and cities bedeck them at easy 
intervals, and even the sordid (?) railways seem never so blithe as when in 
their close company. Yet the bards of the state leave these fair streams 
still unsung ! 

Before dismissing finally the multi-local theme, Quivira, it may be of 
some interest to review briefly the treatment accorded to it by the early- 
geographers. The number of those that essayed to give it an actual habitat, 
as well as a name, is at least noteworthy, some of them having long since 
been accorded honorable recognition. First in order of time, so far as some 
research has afforded evidence, stands the name of Zaltieri, an Italian, 
whose map, dated 1566, is mentioned as probably the earliest that presents 
America as a continent distinct from Asia. Bering Strait he designates as 
Streto de Anian. Upon this map the realm of Quivira is given place in the 
central part of Alaska, occupying apparently a considerable territory be- 
tween the Yukon and the Alaskan mountains, upon the southern coast. 
Once thus located it seems to have been regarded as convenient there or 
near-by at will. Furlani, in a map sketched but not engraved, 1574, accords 
it the same position. Mercator's map of 1569 had, however, meantime al- 
ready transferred Quivira to the extreme southwest coast of Alaska. Once 
given place there by such an authority as Mercator, Ortelin's maps of 1570 
and 1589, De Bry's of 1596, Wytfliet's of 1597, Quadus's map of 1608, and 
Hondius's of 1609, allow its position to remain essentially undisturbed, save 
a slight tendency toward the east. Meantime Molineux, upon his globe of 
1592, had assigned Quivira a position east of Cape Mendocino, apparently 
east of the Coast Range mountains. A like disposition was made of it by 
Battista Aguese upon an undated map. 

In 1661 there appeared at Florence, Italy, under the title Arcane del 
Mare, a collection of maps, several of them (thirty-three) relating to 
America. The author, Robert Dudley, who died twenty-two years before, 
merits special mention. Of noble birth and ample fortune, he was in turn 
a valiant seamen, a hydrographer, an engineer, and finally a geographer, 
and of honorable repute in all. One of these maps presents the best early 
view of our western coast from latitude thirty-eight to forty-nine degrees. 
The unexplored interior, from latitude forty-five to forty-eight degrees, is 
designated as the kingdom of Quivira. Now that the far-famed realm has 
become migratory, as an errant knight among the dominions of the earth, its 
strides in this instance, from latitude sixty to forty-seven degrees, at a 
single step, are surprising, and admit of no easy elucidation. A map pub- 
lished in 1710 by John Senex, an Englishman, places Quivira still further 
east, longitude 107°, latitude 39° 30'. In a later map,'8 Paris 1722, by Guil- 
laume de Lisle, the elusive realm from longitude 266°, latitude 39°, greets 
us as having place upon the head waters of the Platte river. Thence, like 
a superannuated actor, it ventures its final appearance, or rather is forced 

Note 18. — On Hondius' World map qt 1611, the longitude is numbered on the equator, running- 
from 1 to 360 decrees; beginning at a point in the Atlantic about five degrees east of the extreme 
eastern point in Brazil. 



The WJiite Man's Foot in Kansaf<. 35 

to masquerade for a brief season, far to the east, as an evanescent and ill- 
omened creation of the ignoble Turk, who thereby most appropriately be- 
came the earliest known criminal judicially condemned and duly executed 
within the limits of fair Kansas. 

OUR EARLIEST KNOWLEDGE OF KANSAS. 

Such, in brief, was Coronado's march. But when we pause to inquire 
what were the advantages accruing from the costly adventure, we are, to 
our surprise, restricted to a confession of almost absolute ignorance. We 
know only that there was found a region, distant 200 leagues toward the 
northeast from New Mexico, described as a veritable land of promise, fair 
to look upon, and worthy of future investigation. By a strange irony of 
fate, however, to New Mexico and to Mexico itself it proved ere long a 
source of detriment and ultimately of bitter mortification. The knowledge 
acquired as to the topography or existing industrial opportunity in the country, 
so far as seen, was practically nothing. In short, the entire undertaking 
was simply all cry and no wool. The activity and resources of Spain thus 
prodigally lavished in this and other explorations within our present domain 
left absolutely no -sign of good, but abundant indications of evil. Every 
early explorer— de Leon, Narvaez, Soto, and Coronado— set bravely forth 
with their hosts, and of them all Coronado alone returned, ever thereafter 
a disappointed and humiliated man. The Spaniard in each instance, save 
that of Coronado, seemed to be devoid of the amiable facility to conciliate 
the confidence or regard of the native tribes met by the way, with the 
logical result that their armies perished and themselves with them. 

But a counterpart to these ill-starred enterprises is not far to seek. In 
due season, from another quarter, a different type of man ere long became 
known to the Indians. From the remote East, by way of the Great Lakes, 
appeared the complaisant Frenchman, not as a man of authority, but as a 
fellow being, willing to associate freely with the natives, even to become 
one with them in interest and in effort. His influence, to be sure, was too 
frequently not what it should have been. However a better class, though few in 
number, were willing to live with them, to toil with them, and if need be to 
suffer and cheerfully aid them in better ways of living. It is to two of these 
self-devoted pioneers of better things, a missionary and a layman, that I 
desire briefly to invite attention, as a sequel or supplement to the preceding 
narrative of Coronado's tour. It seems that late in 1672 Count Frontenac, 
then governor of New France, at the suggestion of his subordinate, the 
Intendant Monsieur Talon, authorized Louis Joliet, in company with Pere 
Jacques Marquette, nomen venerabile et praeclarum, to proceed west by 
way of the great lakes and undertake an exploration of the course of the 
Mississippi river to its mouth. Promptly the two, aided by five Frenchmen 
as rowers, reported at Mackinaw December 8 ensuing. While wintering 
here, with the aid of such information as he was able to acquire from the 
Indians in the vicinity, Father Marquette endeavored to sketch the course 
of the great river, in a rude way, indicating the points at which affluents or 
villages of Indians would be met upon either side. May 17, 1673, setting out 
from Mackinaw, they ascended Green Bay and the Fox river, by a short 
portage entered the Wisconsin river, and June 17 passed out into the great 
river itself. Thence they soon reached the mouth of the Arkansas. Here 
they were informed by the Arkansas Indians that some of the tribes below 



36 Kansas State Historical Society. 

were hostile, and that further advance was dangerous. Unable therefore to 
continue their way, they tarried here a few days, Marquette meantime 
busily occupied in questioning the Indians as to the topography of the coun- 
try roundabout. By the aid of information thus gained he was able within 
the few days to trace in outline upon his map the course of the Wisconsin 
and Mississippi, so far as he had actually viewed it, as well as to note the 
points at which the Wisconsin, the Missouri, the Ohio and the Arkansas dis- 
charged into it. 

So far the work done was Marquette's only, and as such was an original 
and valuable contribution to geographical knowledge. But when he pro- 
ceeded to interrogate the Indians (the Arkansas) as to the location of other 
tribes and their villages, by means of the sign language, he became the 
willing pupil, and the Indians were, in the completest sense, his instructors 
—an ecclesiastic thoroughly trained in the current lore, secular and sacred, 
of his time, thus sitting a willing pupil at the feet of savages ! But this in- 
struction thus acquired, even from savages, he was able to leave so recorded 
that it has proven one of the most remarkable productions of the time. 
Though entirely ignorant of their language, he has yet left us a chart that 
indicates the sites of twenty or more villages of sundry tribes, not more 
than two or three of which he ever saw, upon the Mississippi, the Missouri, 
the Arkansas, Kansas and Platte rivers, some of them at a distance of 300 
miles. And yet the locations assigned to these villages by his Indian tutors 
were in each instance creditably accurate. In explanation of this statement 
a brief divergence from our proper subject may perhaps be allowable. 

In addition to the five senses common to the white man, the pristine Indian 
seems to have possessed a sixth, which in his mode of life was in some respects 
the most ready and vigorous of all— the topographical sense. The distance 
of a day's travel, even though the route had repeatedly changed direction 
and lay through a rugged, difficult region, he could readily estimate as the 
bee flies, with comparative accuracy. In like manner at any time he could 
sketch the general surface features of a region once familiar. Take a wild 
Indian, not yet spoiled by the white man, into a school building, for ex- 
ample, up two flights of stairs, allow him to enter a classroom for a minute, 
then pass him from the building by another door, and at request he will 
name the number of steps in each flight of stairs, the number of desks in 
the room entered, the approximate dimensions of the room, and sketch 
with fair accuracy the front of the building at which he entered. The cast 
of an intelligent Indian's mind in this respect seems, to a certain degree, 
to be fundamental. It appears to be in a limited sense only, an acquired trait. 
In its action it seems rather to partake of the nature of an original sense, and 
becomes thus comparatively early one of the most facile and responsive of 
his mental endowments. Marquette's map is therefore, in all its essential 
features, a product of this special Indian sense. Constructed by a white 
man from his unaided recollection of what he had seen years since, it would 
probably have proven of small value. Certain ones of the Indians with 
whom Marquette tarried, for the few days of his visit on the Arkansas, 
who had at some previous period visited, or perhaps merely passed through, 
the localities here traced, indicated to him with singular accuracy the course 
of each considerable stream, as well as the site of each village appearing 
■upon the map. 

In this instance, by no means the only one, the usual conditions were re- 



The White Man's Foot in KaTums. 37 

versed. The untutored Indian became the instructor, while the thoroughly 
cultured ecclesiastic simply registered his statements. O that an artist 
might have been present to sketch that unique scene ! The map as com- 
pleted is to all intents a genuine Indian production, and as such may safely 
rank as the equal in accuracy of some of the more ornate productions illus- 
trative of the region of Quivira, as cited upon a preceding page. Compared 
with the too frequent hazy statements in the narratives of the Coronado 
tour, this naked presentation, with no explanatory text, pours a flood of 
welcome light upon the general locale of the country that constitutes the 
central western portion of the Mississippi valley at that date, especially the 
present states of Missouri. Nebraska, Kansas, and Arltansas. 

It is noticeable that, though the Arkansas Indians dwelt upon the river 
of the same name, and were thoroughly conversant with its general direc- 
tion, the location of the villages of their tribe upon it, as well as the gen- 
eral character of the country upon either side, Indian like they made no 
disclosures relative to either of these topics ; while concerning districts 
more rtmote they were ever ready to speak precisely and fully. The ex- 
planation of this attitude was that they were not yet fully satisfied as to 
the precise purpose of the two strangers in coming thither, and so for the 
time they simply refrained from imparting further information. 

This map, crude though it may be, serves to present with surpassing ac- 
curacy the domain now constituting the states of Arkansas, Missouri, Kan- 
sas and Nebraska, together with the designation and location of the several 
tribes then (1673) known to be occupying territory within the northern and 
southern limits as marked by Marquette.'" The unoccupied country in the 
central region may naturally have been a common and convenient hunting- 
ground for the various conterminus tribes. It has already been seen, in the 
discussion of Coronado's march, that the Querechos and Teyas annually re- 
sorted to the southern portion of it as a chosen and coveted hunting-ground. 
When visited by Coronado, 1541, the Pawnees were undoubtedly controlling 
the country drained by the Kansas river and its numerous affluents, cer- 
tainly as far east as Topeka, and possibly quite to the Missouri. At the 
time of Governor Onate's visitation, sixty years later, the advance-guard of 

Note 19. — It may perhaps be in place to speak briefly of the notable family of which this 
heroic but unassuming pioneer missionary was a worthy member. As early as the middle of the 
fourteenth century various of its members were recognized as having won honorable renown by 
their chivalrous services in behalf of their native city. Laon, as well as in recoj?nition of frequent 
kniRhtly services rendered to the sovereigns of France. Four hundred years later three mem- 
bers of the family, serving in the French contingent of our armies, gave their lives that our 
country might become independent. The name of our present subject is equally renowned for 
untiring, useful services in a nobler field. Upon completing his studies in the order of the 
Jesuits he soon decided to engage in missionary service among the Indians of Canada. Septem- 
ber 20. ltit>(). he landed at Quebec. After a .sojourn there he began his labors among the Montag- 
nais Indians : thence in one season he was in charge of the Ottawa mission, near Sault St, 
Mary's : and thence to the mission of Lapointe. near Green Bay, Wis.. lt"69. After his returA 
from the voyage down the Mississippi, for a time he labored with the Kaskaskias and other 
tribes in Illinois. Here, as a result of h'ls arduous toils and endeavors, feeling that his frail con- 
stitution was giving way. he attempted to reach the Kaskaskias. Arriving there he attempted 
to resume missionary labors with them. But rajiidly declining health promptefl him to set out 
for Mackinaw. While making his way northward along the eastern shureof I>«ke Michigan, with 
two companions, his strength sank entirely. Saturday. May IS, ItiTI. His frail Ixxly was piously in- 
terred by his two accompanying friends. In nine brief years, while his hopt>d for life's work 
was barely yet begun, he cea.sed thus fnim his devout labors — callwl higher. Two years later 
a party of Indians to whom he had ministered, upon the return from their annual hunt, visited 
the spot of his interment, upon a slight hill near a strt-am. e.xhuiniKl his remains, and lx>re them 
in solemn procession to the mission church at Mackinaw. There they were piously interred, with 
imposing ceremony, in the center of the building. 

A full account may be found of Marquette's Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi 
Valley, by Dr. John G. Shea. New York. 18r>2. Beside the life and voyages of Marquette, there 
are other articles of eminent value by various hands ; but above all there is a full presentation of 
Marquette's map. 



38 Kansas State Historical Society. 

the tribe seem to have progressed northward so far as the Platte river, 
though they had not actually taken final possession of any considerable area, 
as the greater portion of them seem to have fondly lingered in Kansas, ap- 
parently reluctant to part entirely from the pleasant conditions there once 
enjoyed. Between the coming of Governor Onate ( 1601 ) and the massacre 
of Villazar with his command (1720) upon the Platte river, a few miles east 
of the junction of the north and south forks of that stream, the Pawnees 
had taken full possession of all the desirable land within the valley of the 
Platte and its affluents, including therein all the desirable portion of the 
state, except a small district adjacent to the Missouri, which the small 
tribes of the Otoes (Otontanta), Omahas (Mahas) and Poncas, who had 
conceded, or at least unsuccessfully disputed, the suzerainty of the Pawnees 
over the domain. The point in the distant South whence the Pawnees first 
began their remote northern migration is indicated by the Paniassa village, 
near the northern margin of Red river. 

It will be noticed that the latitudes, as here indicated, are remarkably 
accurate, though I find no indication that Marquette had any instruments 
to aid him in the construction of the map. In this interesting and valuable 
sketch, therefore, meager as it is, we find our earliest definite information 
as to the relative situation of the four present states, Missouri, Arkansas, 
Kansas and Nebraska. The knowledge of the results of this tour by the 
heroic father, as evidenced in his sketch and journal, when once known, 
soon thereafter enkindled upon the part of early voyageurs and traders, 
even then busily engaged in exploiting regions toward the remote West by 
way of the Great Lakes, a generous and patriotic zeal that erstwhile was to 
secure a vast and most valuable region, the entire expanse of the great 
prairies north of the Red river as far west as the Rocky Mountains, to the 
already occupied realm of Canada, whence in due time it was transferred 
to the control of the United States, the first effective check given to the 
ruthless aggrandizements of Spain upon this continent. 

As Marquette was descending the Upper Mississippi, 'from information 
already derived from the Indians he had been prepared to behold in the Mis- 
souri a mighty stream; but his first glance satisfied him that the half had 
not been told. As he viewed the flood, turbid and laden with uprooted trees 
and other debris torn from its banks far above, sweeping with irresistible 
momentum into the Mississippi, bearing along amid the manifold evidences 
of its destructive power his frail bark, his facile imagination was at once en- 
kindled. As his Indian rowers informed him of the vast prairies that it 
traversed, after issuing from the lofty, far distant mountains toward the 
setting sun, the fond hope was at once conceived that by way of this great 
stream he might safely pass the intervening plains, and from its head wa- 
ters amid the mountains penetrate unhindered to the sources of the Colorado, 
and thence descending it reach California— a fond dream, that still remains 
unrealized. 

The character (8) appearing in the names PekitanSi, Smissourit, Schage, 
PeSarea, and others, is to be sounded as oo in too. The advance-guard of the 
Pawnees had at this date penetrated so far as the Platte, but had scarcely 
yet contemplated permanent occupancy. The Kansa were slowly approach- 
ing the Kansas river from the south. The Smissourit (the Missouris) and 
the Schage (Osages) should have been located upon the southern margin of 



The White Man's Foot in Kayisas. 39 

the Missouri (PekitanSi) at the two points indicated by the names in script. 
The dotted marks are an attempt to show more exactly the course of the 
Missouri, the Kansas and the Platte. 

JUAN DE PADILLA. 
The Pioneer Mwaionary of Kansas. 

There is a somber, perhaps not unbefitting, phase associated with Coro- 
nado's tour to Quivira that should merit independent notice in this connec- 
tion. When the march thither began an important member of the force, 
Fray Juan de Padilla, was duly entitled to special mention. He was evi- 
dently a man of marked character and peculiar power. In early life he had 
served as a soldier. This manner of life he had forsaken for a more noble 
service. In the few brief notices that survive of him there is frequent evi- 
dence that in his final calling there was an initiative promptitude and per- 
sistency that impressed others. Upon arriving at Quivira he must have 
early been impressed and attracted by traits in the character and life of the 
Quivirans (Pawnees) not yet observed in other Indians. During his brief 
association with them at that time, the many soon enlisted his sympathy by 
their kindly attentions and services; while the medicine-men seem to have 
been equally prompt in avowing their disapproval of him and his proffered 
instructions. Naturally, he seems to have chosen to associate rather with 
those of the tribe whose lot was most diflScult. Accordingly, during the 
brief stay with them, he preferred to move about on foot rather than 
mounted. 

When Coronado set out from Quivira for Tiguex, Padilla accompanied 
him; but with the resolve, contrary to the urgent pleas of all others, that 
the next spring he would again be with the tribe. Evidently during his 
brief stay they had won his kindly interest. Though he had met other 
tribes, to this one he willingly yielded the precedence. So soon as the warm 
season returned, therefore, with his little company, taking as a gift to their 
distant charge a small flock of sheep, some mules, a horse and minor arti- 
cles as presents to be distributed among them, he eagerly retraced the 
weary distance of nearly 700 miles. 

The devoted leader, a Portuguese assistant, Andres do Campo, two In- 
dian laymen, Sebastian and Luke, and a negro not named, constituted the 
working force of the prospective mission. Reaching the villages in 'due 
season, with his usual energy Padilla at once resumed the suspended work. 
What was the present attitude of the tribe soon became manifest. So en- 
couraging was the outlook, soon after the reopening of the missionary efforts 
among them, that he ventured to devote some attention to other villages. 
This step, misinterpreted by some of his immediate charge, so one account 
runs, wrought his undoing. As he was returning from one of these minis- 
trations elsewhere he found a portion of his own village in hostile array 
against him. Their determined attitude satisfied him that the end was 
come. At once he urged Campo to escape instantly upon his horse; the two 
lay brethren, as they were young and active, he besought to flee on foot. 
Campo immediately disappeared; the laymen, reaching a hill at some dis- 
tance, secreted themselves in the grass and awaited the end. The hostile 
Indians in a body approached the father as he knelt in prayer, and a flight 
of arrows closed his labors. The two laymen quietly awaited the coming of 
the night, then returned, dug a grave, piously covered the mangled body, 



40 Kansas State Historical Society. 

and silently withdrew. Of the three, report was had in due time to the effect 
that after a weary flight of nearly 1000 miles they finally escaped in safety 
to Panuco, in Mexico. 

Such is the current narrative of Fray Juan de Padilla's attempted mission- 
ary work and death among the Pawnees in central Kansas. Fortunately 
there is extant a brief account of the matter from an independent source. '-'o 
As already indicated, Padilla was a man of unusual ability, of quick discern- 
ment, and instant in the presence of exigencies. When withdrawing from 
Quivira the previous autumn with Coronado, he carefully prepared and 
erected a cross in one of the villages, explained its significance to the In- 
dians, and charged them that they must not in any way disturb it; that such 
an attempt would cost them dear. Though his commander and others in the 
force urged him to abandon all thought of ever returning, he alone was in- 
sistent. The ensuing spring he accordingly set out; and to his pleasant 
surprise found the cross still standing in its proper place and condition. Ac- 
companying him were Andres do Campo and the others before named. With 
him were also returning to their native country the Quiviran guides, who, 
the previous autumn, had conducted Coronado by a direct route to New 
Mexico. To the great joy of the missionary everything was found in be- 
coming plight. The reception by the Indians was encouraging; and natur- 
ally he began to contemplate an enlargement of his field of labor, with a 
view to reaching more distant villages. Contrary to the wishes of his im- 
mediate charge, who were evidently becoming attached to him, he set out 
with his usual escort. At a day's distance a band of hostile Indians met him. 
Realizing at once their unfriendly purpose, he urged Campo to mount his horse 
and take to flight, as in so doing he might be able to assist the two laymen 
and the negro to arrive at a place of safety. Falling then himself upon his 
knees in a last supplication, he was pierced by a flight of arrows. The sav- 
ages immediately cast his body, scarcely yet dead, into a pit near by, and 
buried it beneath a heap of stones. The writer before named makes men- 
tion of the fact that some time after the death of the martyr the cross raised 
by him in the Pawnee village was still standing, a mute but eloquent wit- 
ness of the esteem in which he was held by his adopted people. 

The foregoing account has been ventured at this point with a view to 
offering a new interpretation as to the death of Fray Padilla. There is, to 
any one familiar with the Indian character ere he was debauched by the 
white man, an obvious inconsistency here. Indians in all essential matters 
were prone to be consistent. Simplicity in thought and in conduct was the 
rule. If they approved the original erection of the cross in the village, 
unless rare provocation intervened, they would hesitate to destroy it. The 
only explanation of its remaining undisturbed, therefore, is that a favorable 
impression as to the missionary's labors among them had been wrought in 
their minds. The character of the man as revealed in his walk and conver- 
sation impressed them favorably. The cross, ever before them, was an elo- 

NoTE 20.— Mota Padilla, Historia de la Conquista de la Nneva Galicia. Mexico, 1870. The au- 
thor of this work is entitled, by the general character of his writings, to special mention. So far 
as appeal has been made to this volume, in comparison with other authorities upon the same sub- 
ject, it has proven quite as safe as the best. He was evidently willing ever to make candid ap- 
peal to existing records, if accessible, ere he put forth his own opinions or conclusions. For this 
reason especially his account of the experiences of Fray Padilla among the Quivirans has been 
accorded precedence as most worthy of consideration or credence. Still, at times, he was not 
above yielding to the prevalent sentiment of the day; hence we find him gravely recording that 
the death of Padilla was made memorable by remarkable phenomena immediately thereafter — 
great floods, displays of blazing meteors, and comets that even obscured the sun ! 







See page 37. 



grreat liuuus, uiaiJiayc 



The W'Jiifc Mail's Foot in Kdnsas. 41 

quent epitome of all his teaching and therefore an object of reverence — in 
their language it was good medicine; therefore the cross stood.'-' 

The other thought is that, in all probability, Padiila was not killed by the 
Pawnees. Had the hostile band been such the fact would certainly have be- 
come known. When he set out upon the fatal journey the Indians endeav- 
ored to divert him from going. They were in all probability aware that he 
was incurring danger, as the event showed. At the distance of a day's 
journey a war party met them with hostile demonstrations, evidently be- 
longing to an unfriendly tribe. Their motive in burying his body, as they 
did, already lacerated, in a pit under a mass of stones, was a gratuitous in- 
dignity, that it might be marred and mangled beyond recognition. Every 
statement in the entire account is consistent with this view. The father 
had uniformly befriended the Pawnees; in all his intercourse he had evi- 
dently sought their welfare, and this fact was becoming known to other 
Indians. The murderers recognized in him a well-wisher to their enemies, 
the Pawnees, and therefore they sought his life. 

Though now identified with the Quivirans of old, the Pawnee tribe acquire 
no honor from the relationship. As known two centuries since they were 
far in advance of all that has been recorded of the former, save their hospi- 
tality, by Coronado's scribes, Castaneda and Jan^millo, or even by Coronado 
himself. Born within their domain, the most frequent and enduring remi- 
niscences of the past are intimately associated with them. Once my life was 
saved by a Pawnee, who saw no reason why I should therefore be indebted 
to him; and 1 still bear the mark of another who meant last things when he 
gave the blow. The best and the worst in them are both familiar; but if 
fairly treated, the best abounded the more. 

As already noted, Juan de Padiila had in earlier days chosen the career 
of a soldier. How long he continued in this service we have no means of 
knowing. Evidently the elements of military training and experience had 
left a deep and vivid impress upon him. Enough is recorded of him in the 
accounts relating to Coronado's march to indicate that he was early recog- 
nized as a person of mark in the army. In enterprises that demanded the 
elements of promptitude and precision and power he seems to have volun- 
tarily borne his full share. Even after he became an ordained ecclesiastic, 
in e.xigencies requiring instant decision and prompt action, the soldierly in- 
stincts of an earlier day, reverting for the moment, seem to have suspended 
all thought of his higher functions as an ordained priest. Even before the 
march*from Compostela began he had been designated as chief of the clergy 
that accompanied the army. His thought seem to have rarely been con- 

NoTE 21. — Prof. J. V. Brower. of St. Paul. Minn., president of the Quivira Historical Society, 
erected in Kansas four monuments commemorative of the Coronado expedition. These are : 

The monument erected at Lojran' Grove near Junction City, on the farm of Robert Doutrlas 
Henderson, in honor of the Spanish explorer. Coronado. an<i dedicated AuKUst 12. 1902'; cost, 
about f6(KI. 

Monument in honor of Friar Juan de Padiila. the first Christian martyr to die on the soil of 
the United States, was erected in the city park. Heringrton. Dickinson county, and dedicated Oc- 
tober 26. 1901 : probable cost, $500. 

Monument to Ta-tar-rax, chief of the Harahey Indians, who visited Coronatlo in the Kansas 
valley, was erecte<l in the city park at Manhattan. Riley county, and dedicated Octolx-r 27. 1904 : 
probable cost. $IIK). 

The monument at Alma. Wabaunsee county, in honor of the Harahey tribe of Indians, was 
d<^icated October 2K. 19(t4 : probable cost. WoO 

A monument constructed of native uncut limestone was found by the early settlers of Morris 
covinty on the brow of a hiRh point of land between the junctions of the valleys of Kim creek and 
the Neosho river. alx)ut a mile south of Council Grove. It has lonK been known locally as the 
Padiila monument. It has never been wholly overthrown, but stands ten or twelve feet hiffh, 
and can be seen from all directions for miles. 



42 Kansas State Historical Society 

cerned about himself. Whenever special detachments were sent upon ex- 
ploring tours in rugged regions, where passage could be scarcely found, he 
was ever at hand cheerfully enduring hardships among the foremost. In 
fact, it seems that commanders sent upon such undertakings must have re- 
quested that he accompany them. While so serving, no obstacle seemed to 
impress him, at times choosing to advance barefoot. Whenever his priestly 
services were needful, in case of sickness or injury, he was cheerfully at 
hand to assuage suffering, to assist in dressing wounds, or in administering 
religious consolation. It is not unnatural that the death of such a man, es- 
pecially if his demise be sudden or violent, in the minds of the ignorant 
should be associated with supernatural phenomena. 

"Fierce, fiery warriors fought upon the clouds. 
The noise of battle hurtled in the air. 
And ghosts did shriek and squeal about the streets." 

GOVERNOR ONATE'S EXPLORATIONS IN KANSAS." 

Nearly two generations subsequent to the final, hurried withdrawal of 
Coronado from New Mexico, a scant period to assuage the sorrows and re- 
trieve the losses that had been wrought among the Indian natives there, a 
new and very different invasion made itself felt. At its head came Don 
Juan de Onate, a wealthy resident of Zacatecas, of worthy memory. After 
tedious negotiations with the viceroys Don Luis de Velasco and Don Caspar de 
Zuniga y Acebedo, Conde de Monterey, September, 1595, to January, 1598, he 
finally was commissioned to conduct to New Mexico a larger, more varied and 
useful command. In this body were comprised an armed force of 400 men, 130 

Note 22. — Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Tomo Primero. Folio, A. M. Mexico, 
18S6. This volume is the first of the third series of documents (most of them hitherto unpub- 
lished) relating to the early history of Mexico. The material comprised in these volumes appeared 
in the form of feuilletons in the Diario Official, in the city of Mexico. Subsequently a few sets 
of these feuilletons were assembled and bound. The volume (all published of the third series) is 
the rarest, and became at once unobtainable. There are nine different subjects discussed^in this 
volume. In only one of them, however, are we here concerned, under the following- title : Re- 
laciones de todas las cosas que en el Nuevo-Mexico se han visto y sabido, deade el ano de 1538 hasta 
el de 1626. por el Padre Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, p. 208. 

This author entered the missionary field in New Mexico early in the seventeenth century, 
and for a period of eight years seems to have been an active and earnest laborer among the Pueblo 
Indians, especially at Jemez, where he claimed that during that period he had baptised more than 
6000 converts, an unusually creditable record, if correctly stated. There was, however, a degree 
of restlessness in his character, as he was ever urgent to engage in new fields of labor, notalways 
a desirable feature in such work. The volume under consideration must have been to him a la- 
borious compilation: but unfortunately there are evidences of hasty work in its pages, in the 
form of repetitions, indefinite statements, and, as distance lends enchantment, there is an obvi- 
ous proneness to deal quite as freely with the past and future as with the more sober, unyielding 
present. 

So far as I have been able to learn, no contemporaneous record of Governor Onate's exploring 
tour is now in existence: hence we are left to rely largely upon the volume just mentioned* which 
is unfortunately a compilation from various sources. Salmeron evidently had not the patience 
nor acumen to produce from such various material a coherent or logical narration of the recent 
or present developments transpiring in New Mexico. Hence it is, no doubt, that current events 
of importance are at times not mentioned, while the talk or rumors are boldly exaggerated: as 
when he insists upon the existence of rich gold-mines as already under operation within the 
limits of Quivira, or magnifies to 1000 or more the loss inflicted upon the Escansaques and Aijados 
by Onate's force of eighty men. The topographical data as to the route and progress made by 
Onate are also so meager that we are sadly at a loss to determine the direction taken or the dis- 
tance actually traversed. Certain of these careless incongruities are accordingly allowed to re- 
main, without attempt at explanation, as there are no data present to serve as guides. In other 
cases, more numerous, the text has readily permitted an interpretation that admits of satisfactory 
adjustment within the limitations of actual time and place. The destruction of the command of 
Humana, the previous autumn, was in all probability an actual catastrophe as stated. The timid- 
ity of the Quivirans whenever the Escansaques or Aijados approached was probably real. They 
had not yet become established in the domain then occupied and had not arms that enabled them 
to meet these enemies upon e(iual terms. The story of Onate's seizure of the Quivii'an envoy and 
his almost immediate rescue by his fellow tribesmen bears all the evidence of being an actual 
occurrence. In brief, it is an excellent instance of native astuteness and dexterity upon the part 
of the pristine Indian. . Such diversions were, of course, not frequent: but when undertaken, 
they were usually admirable instances of aboriginal humor and cleverness. When pitted thus 
against the stately and formal Spanish cavaliers, being naturally' the more adroit and facile, the 
Indian usually had his way at will. 



The Wliitc Man's Foot in Kaunas. 43 

of whom, upon reaching the province with their families, were to engage in 
farming, Onate himself undertaking to supply the necessary agricultural 
implements and provisions till they were in a condition to support themselves. 
The king of Spain apparently provided the needful arms and ammunition, at 
least a large portion of them. To convey the requisite subsistenoe, while 
upon the way and until the farmers could become self-supporting, a train 
of eighty heavily loaded wagons was provided. The column, when at last 
upon the march, was to be closed by a herd of 700 cattle, partly for con- 
sumption on the way, while the portion surviving upon reaching their desti- 
nation was to be distributed among the expectant settlers. To defray the 
expenses thus incurred ere starting, Onate had already disbursed 500,000 
ducats. 

The progress, when at last begun, January 26, 1598, was from San Bar- 
tolome, upon the Conchos river, in Nueva Vizcaya, due north till the Del 
Norte was reached, April 20. Soon after crossing to the eastern side of this 
stream the advance was continued in a leisurely way till the long-cherished 
domain of New Mexico was at last entered. Onate at once set himself en- 
ergetically to the task of visiting and conferring with the Indian occupants 
of all the pueblos that he could then approach. The general demeanor of 
the Indians, so far as met, seemed to evince an amicable disposition. They 
voluntarily approached the immigrants with offerings of corn and other sup- 
plies, for the relief of. present needs. Let this instance be noted: Indians, 
as human, are prone to nurse grudges to keep them warm, as Tarn O'Shan- 
ter's wife did her anger. If these grudges are not glutted during life, the 
charge descends to the son. But in this instance, at their earliest appear- 
ing, and even till the colonists were distributed upon their farms, many of 
the natives cheerfully aided them in building their houses and opening their 
farms, even supplying clothing when needed. Yet the earlier kinsmen of 
these very helpers had, during the ruthless occupancy by Coronado's com- 
mand, doubtless suffered bitter want and loss in property and in life. A fit 
instance, therefore, this, of rare forbearance and native kindliness, not un- 
worthy of mention, now that requital in kind is too late. 

But not all were such. In at least one startling instance the fact be- 
came manifest. After holding a conference with the chiefs of thirty pueblos, 
July 7, in which all expressions made seemed to indicate entire friendliness 
on the part of the Indians, the expectant farmers began to separate in dif- 
ferent directions to their new homes, and the soldiers in detachments were 
moving in various directions. September 19, a much larger gathering of 
Indians was assembled with like result. Meantime Governor Onate had set 
out upon a tour of observation toward the remote West, while his subordi- 
nate, Don Vicente Zaldivar, was moving eastward to explore the butTalo 
plains. Upon the return of Zaldivar, a visit was made to the strong pueblo 
of Acoma. The reception accorded to him and his men, so far as appeared, 
was most cordial. The next day, as the soldiers were in parties visiting the 
place, a sudden attack was made upon them. After a three hours' contest 
only eight survived. Instant preparation to avenge such treachery was 
begun. January 22, 1599, an assault upon the stronghold was made, and 
only after three days of unremitting effort was a victory secured. Of a 
population of 6000 in the pueblos, only about 600 survived. The lesson for the 
time was effective. 

The reasonable expectation of Governor Onate, as recompense for his 



44 Kansas State Historical Society. 

philanthropic services, was an ultimate increase of his fortune from the 
mines that he hoped to develop in the territory. But prior to that he cher- 
ished an honorable ambition to achieve good for others first, by hastening 
the settlement and thrift of his immigrants, as well as advancing the com- 
parative civilization of the Indians. An auspicious beginning gave ground 
for hope. But untoward limitations also developed. Soldiers deserted, and 
farmers, dissatisfied, attempted to make their way back into Mexico, as 
prophets of ill omen, eager to disseminate evil reports. The better part, 
however, persisted, while at intervals others came to join and share with 
them. In addition to farming, prospecting and mining were in time at- 
tempted, with apparent prospect of fair returns being reached. 

At last, June, 1601 (Salmeron says 1599), the governor seems to have 
felt that, for a season, he might safely direct his efforts toward the east, 
beyond the mountains. The siren song of a distant, golden Quivira was not 
unknown to him. A Mexican boy^^ that had seen service, not entirely hon- 
orable, upon the eastern plains had told him much, but had not altogether 
beguiled him. At all events the governor's thought seems to have been 
that it was high time that the much mooted question of Quivira, where it 
was and what it was, should once for all be taken up and finally solved. An 
industrious chronicler of the seventeenth century records that he set out 
from Santa Fe, accompanied by Padres Velasco and Vergara, and the Mexi- 
can boy as guide and interpreter, and eighty well-mounted horsemen. The 
course taken beyond the mountains is somewhat perplexing: one authority 
states that the movement was due east upon the buffalo plains; another 
seems to maintain that his ultimate goal was the north sea, and with that 
in view he advanced toward the northeast 300 leagues. Bancroft seems to 
suggest that the course followed was variable, between east and northeast, 
for a distance of perhaps 200 leagues. As the governor's primary purpose 
was to ascertain whatever information he might by a personal visit thither 
to Quivira, as well as of the intermediate territory, and thereafter move in 
search of the north sea,-^ it would be not strange that his movements may 
have at times become somewhat perplexing. 

In the presence of such conditions it becomes, therefore, a source of last- 
ing regret that the narrative of Oiiate's tour upon the eastern plains is, so 
far as known, no longer in existence. He was manifestly a man of unusual 
and varied endowments. Honorably ambitious to serve the interests of 
others quite as willingly as his own, he must have been far in advance of the 
average Spaniard of his day. He had an eye to see, as well as a mind ever 
ready to appreciate unselfishly, the varying revelations that the virgin coun- 
try disclosed from day to day. Had his journal survived we would have 
doubtless found therein valuable records of frequent incidents by the way, 
as well as of novel and useful discoveries upon the vast expanses ever open- 
ing before him in whatever direction he turned. Not the least pleasing. 

Note 23. — This elusive personage. Jose or Jusepe by name, was a member of the raiding party, 
before mentioned, led by Captain Bonilla and subsequently by Humana in a quest for srold, north 
or northwest from Quivira. After the force had passed the more densely populated region of 
Quivira, coming- upon a broad river, very probably the Platte, while the Spaniards were busily 
engaged in crossing upon balsas [rafts], Jose, with two other Mexican Indians, improved the 
occasion to desert. Onate, while in Quivira, met him, and through his disclosures learned of the 
death of Bonilla as well as the subsequent entire destruction of the command 

Note 24.— The north sea here mentioned was probably Lakes Superior and Michigan. In- 
dians from the lake country had naturally communicated the fact of their existence to the In 
dians upon the plains, and tlirough them tlie Spaniards in New Mexico had apparently conceived 
of them as part of the northern Atlantic ocean. 



The Ultitc Man's Foot i)i Kan.'^aii. 45 

moreover, would be the opportunity of meeting and having intercourse with 
the native tribes, wherever encountered. There must have been in his per- 
sonal dealings with them an ease and sincerity of manner that conciliated 
their confidence. The fact that his route varied from time to time in direc- 
tion was not without reason; he was rather earnestly desirous, so far as 
time and opportunity permitted, to explore thoroughly each region visited. 
Occasional expressions in Salmeron's compilation, evidently derived from 
Onate's journals, afford evidence that he was eagerly and constantly search- 
ing out the country roundabout as opportunity permitted. The streams were 
noted as frequent; the plains were ever grateful to the eye, diversified at 
intervals by gently rolling hills admirably adapted to tillage; the climate was 
kindly and exhilarating. 

In contrast with the Quivirans, other tribes met seem to have been almost 
constantly roaming, many of them without shelter, in whatever direction 
there were indications of game. The primeval law of existence, "what 
shall we eat, what shall we drink, and wherewithal shall we be clothed." 
seemed to absorb most of their thought and control their voluntary efforts. 
Other than the Quivirans there were apparently no tribes met, so far as the 
records afford evidence, that were in any essential degree sedentary, or 
evinced any inclination to cultivate the soil with a view to thus securing a 
diversity of diet. Yet the commander's personal intercourse with the tribes 
met seemed to satisfy him that the Indians of the plains, abject as they 
sometimes appeared, were far superior in energy and courage to most of 
the sedentary tribes that he had known in Mexico. 

That the first general direction of the march from New Mexico, for a 
distance of 200 leagues and even further, should be eastward, with frequent 
detours to the south or north, was quite natural. The region thus exploited 
was diversified and attractive. At some undetermined point, however, in 
the advance, a change of course was made, and henceforth the main pro- 
gress was steadfastly northward. The occasional notices as to the nature 
of the country visited and examined, as he progressed, incline me to the 
opinion that he probably entered the present Kansas as far east as Chau- 
tauqua county. Thence his movements, as will become apparent later, un- 
doubtedly became more deliberate. Adding to the delays thus caused the 
time devoted to detours upon either hand, it seems safe to say that his final 
advance, probably to a considerable distance north of the Kansas river, must 
perforce have been somewhat slow. 

In the course of this final movement we are abruptly met by one of the 
perplexing problems, not infrequent in our earlier annals, relative to the 
unexpected presence and influence of certain Indian tribes at points far re- 
moved from their original habitat. The narratives of Coronado's quest in 
Kansas, fifty years earlier, afford scant intimation of meeting or knowing 
of such tribes. We are forced, therefore, to the conclusion that they had 
forced their way thither during the half century immediately preceding the 
appearance of Onate's command. 

The first Indians thus encountered were the Aijados, whom Onate found 
occupying territory immediately south of Quivira. They welcomed the 
Spaniards, it would seem, somewhat effusively, evidently for reasons that 
develop later. After resting several days they were invited by the Aijados, 
then engaged in hostilities with the Quivirans, to unite with them in an 
amicable visit to that tribe. For reasons of his own Onate readily complied 



46 Kansas State Historical Society. 

and, escorted by the Aijados, 2000 strong, set out with his command. Aa 
they neared their destination, a Quiviran embassy advancing to welcome the 
governor, catching sight of the accompanying force of the Aijados, and at 
once apprehending some sinister motive in their presence, withdrew immedi- 
ately, with their people, to a remote part of their realm. Thereupon the 
crafty Aijados, disappointed in the anticipated slaughter, began to pillage 
and burn the forsaken lodges and villages. This ruthless devastation Onate 
at once forbade. Resenting this interference the disappointed warriors 
promptly directed their fury against the Spaniards, with the gratifying out- 
come that more than 1000 of them were killed, the Spaniards suffering no 
loss. These Indians, so the account runs, had for some years been waging 
relentless war against the Quivirans, and had finally succeeded in wresting 
from them a valuable gold-mine situated toward the north or northwest. 

In a previous battle with another tribe the governor had rescued two 
captive Aijados boys. To display his knowledge of gold and its qualities the 
older boy, unaided, built a small smelting furnace, so the story runs, extracted 
the metal from the ore, and wrought articles with a skill that elicited the ad- 
miration of the goldsmiths of Mexico. They tried to deceive him with various 
alloys or ores, but in no instance succeeded. In each case he readily de- 
tected the gold alloy by the sense of smell or touch. The gold from the 
mine in Quivira was so plenteous, so it is claimed, that arrow heads and 
other common articles were wrought from it. The lineage of this tribe, 
the Aijados, I have diligently sought to trace, but without avail. Playing 
so prominent a part as they did in the story of Ofiate's tour of exploration, 
it is scarcely conceivable that they should have disappeared utterly, leaving 
no sign. When we consider the extravagant statements made as to their 
familiar ignorance of the value of gold, as serving base uses only, the most 
natural issue from the dilemma, if such there be in the case, seems to be to 
reject the entire awkward fabrication. Certainly Kansas never laid claim 
to such a Golconda; nor did Onate ever actually countenance its existence. 

Another tribe of which Onate had experience was known as the Escan- 
saques, also enemies of the Quivirans, and at the time of his arrival their 
near neighbor, merits more extended notice, and fortunately there is no 
question as to their actual existence. So far as I have been able to trace 
their history I am much inclined to believe that they were of Ute stock, 
and so long as they appeared upon the plains were probably predatory in- 
truders. The meager resemblance between their tribal name and that of 
the Arkansas Indians (now extinct) has been urged as evidence of a lineal 
relationship; but the claim merits no consideration. The two tribes were 
radically distinct. Their habitat upon the plains seems to have been sub- 
ject to change from time to time, indicating probably that they were not 
able to conquer or retain any permanent abode. During the seventeenth 
century the tribal name appears at varying dates in the annals of New 
Mexico and even of Mexico. If the numbers are correctly reported in the 
narrative of Ofiate's tour, the tribe must have been 15,000 strong. The 
first location assigned to them, east of the mountains, was 100 leagues 
northeast of New Mexico, i. e., of Santa Fe.-^ Later mention is made of 

Note 25.— The position here mentioned as the abode of the Escansaques, if they were really 
of Ute stock, was probably the place of their' first sojourn upon the plains after emerKing from 
the mountains. Learning in due time of the presence of the Quivirans and their desirable coun- 
try toward the northeast, they (gradually moved in that direction, with a view, it would seem, to 
dispossessing them. Coronado, while in Quivira, seems to have had no knowledge of them, which 
indicates that in 1541 they were still distant. At the coming of Onate they seem to have been lo- 



Tlw White M(in\s Foot in Kansas. 47 

them as being upon or near the head waters of the Missouri. Onate found 
them bordering upon the»southern confines of Quivira. 

At his coming they were in the act of moving northward against the 
Quivirans, doing much damage on the way to the abandoned villages. At 
the sight of their wanton devastation the commissary of the force, Padre 
Francisco de Velasco, moved with compassion because of the wanton de- 
struction going on, besought the commander to stay them. Thereupon the 
Indians turned upon the Spaniards, and in the ensuing struggle there per- 
ished nearly 1000 Indians, while their foes lost not a single man, though a 
number were wounded by arrows. The Escansaques claimed that in this vi- 
cinity they had some time before destroyed Humana and his entire force as 
they were returning from the mines in Quivira laden with gold. The force 
thus annihilated at this encampment was originally sent by the governor of 
Nueva Vizcaya to chastise a turbulent Indian tribe of that state. The leader, 
Capt. Francisco Leiva Bonilla, after accomplishing his charge, as directed, 
had, contrary to orders, set out for the gold-mines of Tindan, north or north- 
west of Quivira.'-" 

The campaign against the Indians, together with the march to the mines, 
must have consumed at least half of the summer. The remainder of the 
summer, together with a part of the autumn, would be busily occupied in 
mining. We may therefore conclude, from the slow return march, many of 
them on foot, weighted to some degree with treasures from the mines, that 
by hard usage, disease, or theft upon the part of the Indians, a considerable 
number of their horses were no longer available. Many of the wayworn 
men, the narrative records, came into camp late daily, and in such condition 
would sleep long and soundly. Just here the watchful Escansaques found 
their opportunity. In such cases the attack was always made just before 
dawn, when slumber is heaviest. The task for the Indians in such case, 
was simply to fire the tall grass simultaneously upon every side of the 
camp, and with arrows securely shoot down the half-wakened sleepers as 
they attempted to escape through the flames. From the completeness of 
the massacre wrought here the spot was appropriately named Matanza, 
slaughter. 

The absence of the original commander. Captain Bonilla, at the time of 
the catastrophe, was clearly understood. At some previous point upon the 
march he and his lieutenant, Humafia, became involved in a controversy, with 
the unfortunate result that hejwas wantonly murdered by Humafia, who imme- 
diately assumed Bonilla's place and authority. The fact that the men when 
awakened attempted no defense would suggest the incompetence of the new 
commander, as no effort seems to have been made to guard the camp. The 

cat«d at a short distance south or southeast from Quivira, enRagred in a petty warfare with that 
people, with a view of disposaeasinjjr them. The mention in the text of the Escansatjues, while 
movinjf north in company with or at a short distance behind Onate's column, cominyr upon unoc- 
cupied villatires, does not necessarily ( pacific as thoy always trietl to bo with other tribes ) mean 
that the Quivirans had fled at the approach of the Escansatjues. Much more proliably they 
were at the time upon their annual buffalo hunt- The date of therarrival of Onate in the vicinity 
would indicate that such was the case. 

Note 26. — The terms Quivirans, Tindanes. Panis or Pawnees in this paper are properly used as 
interchansreable. Any Indian tribe was likely to bo known under different appellations, accord- 
inK to the personal disposition of tribes that impose<i the names as beiiiK- hostile or friendly. The 
Quivirans. as just intimated, were in the course of time known by each of the dosiirnations above 
Riven. Their correct aiH>ellation, however, was Pani. Pawnee beinR a variant form of it. The 
terms Quivirans and Tindanes were probably conferred by other tribes as dorovratory nicknames. 
For a time, however, ombracinK' the visits of Coronado and Onate. tosrothor with the interveninir 
period, they seem to have been Ronerally known only aa Quivirans. Such instances wen* not 
uncommon. 



48 Kansas State Historical Society. 

fire had apparently swept the entire ground. Those that essayed to escape 
through the flames were mercilessly shot down with arrows. So destructive 
were the flames that no fragments of clothing or other combustible material 
were found. On the other hand, fragments of iron, bones and hoofs of 
horses, bits of top-boots, scattered skeletons of men, and a chance nugget 
of gold were here and there to be seen, as ghastly mementos of the occur- 
rence. The little gold that was in evidence was, I suspect, obtained among 
the Black Hills, but not in abundance. The Pawnees, as late as fifty years 
since, sometimes exhibited small specimens from that source. Two Indian 
children, a boy and a girl, the latter somewhat burned while escaping from 
the camp, were the sole survivors. Some years afterwards there was a 
rumor that the boy, Alonzo Sanchez, had becom.e a noted chief in his tribe. 
The report, however, was never verified. Each of them had been purchased 
from some tribe by a member of the command to serve as slaves. Such 
was one of the tragedies enacted in prehistoric days of Kansas. The exact 
locality of the slaughter is, of course, destined to remain unknown. The 
text, however, indicates that it was some distance south of Quivira, i.e., 
perhaps midway between the Kansas river and the southern border of the 
state. 

Just how long Onate's sojourn in or near Quivira [ Kansas] continued we 
have no precise means of determining. It may be safe to surmise at least 
a month, probably somewhat longer, with all the time busily and usefully 
occupied in various investigations. Such seems to have been his native 
bent, to hear, to see, to know whatever was valuable to man. His men 
were therefore eagerly moving in different directions, especially to the north- 
ward, as rumor had it that gold-mines existed at some point thitherward. 
But in this search he failed, though the endeavor served happily to inform 
him fully as to the character of the country. In contrast with the arid 
regions of New Mexico and northern Mexico, it seemed to him no exaggera- 
tion to speak of it as a veritable land of promise. The frequent streams, 
the wide prairies, pleasantly diversified with gently rolling hills and ad- 
mirably adapted to cultivation, the rich soil, spontaneously afforded a varie- 
gated growth of grass, flowering plants and native fruits, nuts, Indian 
potatoes, etc., that added much to the attractiveness of the entire region, 
so far as he was able to view it. 

The Indians met impressed him not always pleasantly. Of the three 
tribes specially mentioned, he seems to have observed little that elicited 
admiration save in the case of the Quivirans. In the Escansaques and 
Aijados his soul found no pleasure; and yet he was ever ready to recognize 
and appreciate generously traits of good in his fellow men, wherever met. 
We may safely conclude, therefore, that the punishment bestowed upon the 
two tribes, the Aijados and the Escansaques, was given with hearty good 
will. The Quivirans, and he had ample opportunity to know them well, im- 
pressed him very differently. In character they seem to have been affable 
and kindly, disposed to recognize and deal openly and fairly with their fellow 
men. Alone of the tribes thus far met upon the plains they cultivated corn, 
beans and squashes in considerable quantities, the first step toward civiHza- 
tion. They constructed lodges of two types: the common lodge, consisting 
of tanned skinscarefully sewed into the required form and stretched upon a 
conical framework of light poles', for use in warm weather or when travel- 
ing; and the larger earthen lodge, consisting of stronger poles set in a circle 



77/ 1' White Man's Foot in K(uisa>i. 49 

about five feet in height. Upon them smaller poles were fastened, and made 
to slope inward in conical form. Thef.e were then firmly bound together 
with withes, thatched with grass and overlaid with thin turf. Such lodges 
varied in size from fifteen to forty feet in diameter, the larger sometimes 
sheltering three or four families. Ihe Pawnees (the Quivirans of a more 
recent day) used to assert, somewhat philosophically, that this usage tended 
to encourage a spirit of mutual helpfulness and complacency. 

As indicated upon a previous page, in the cases of the retribution admin- 
istered by Onate to the Escansaques and Aijados, the Quivirans had preferred 
to vacate their villages and withdraw to a distance, rather than engage in 
hostilities; an extreme concession to amiability. 

How long the Quivirans had occupied the region of central Kansas we 
have no direct means of determining; but it is perhaps not drawing a long 
bow to suggest that they had already resided there a century, or somewhat 
less, subsequent to the coming of Coronado, in 1541. The fragmentary sur- 
viving records indicate also that some portion of them had passed already 
to the region more nearly adjacent to the present Nebraska; at least, ex- 
ploring parties sent in that direction reported that so far as their progress 
extended they found the country already occupied, and wherever met their 
demeanor was uniformly pacific. An earlier witness. Padre Juan de Padilla, 
the protomartyr of Kansas, had experience of them as a missionary half a 
century before, and his testimony was to the same effect. In no instance 
were they other than kind toward him. 

A few details in somewhat fragmentary form have been met as to certain 
of their early usages. Important communications were disseminated by 
waving garments from the tops of trees or other eminences, an anticipation 
of a later method of signaling in vogue in military affairs, the earliest idea 
of which we owe to the Indians, quite probably to the Pawnees themselves, 
the later representatives of the Quivirans. Cultivating the soil, they wor- 
shiped the planet Venus, known as Hopirikuts, the Great Star, recognized 
by them as the patron of agriculture, as did in later days the Pawnees, 
their descendants. Sometimes, after planting their corn patches, to secure 
a good crop, they offered a captive girl as a sacrifice to Hopirikuts. Many 
of the tribe, as time passed, came to look upon this usage with disfavor, 
and finally, in 1819, by the interference of Pitalesharu, a young brave of 
well-known character as a man of recognized prowess as a war chief, the 
usage was finally discontinued. 

The general inclination of the Pawnees, lineally derived from their an- 
cestors, was to live void of offen.se toward other tribes. This disposition, 
when known to other tribes that had been crowded west of the Mississippi 
before the advancing settlements of the whites, was naturally taken 
advantage of with a view of gaining possession of the lands long occupied 
by the Quivirans, or their lineal descendants, the Pawnees. Prominent 
among their assailants, during the early part of the last century, were the 
Dakotas, who, removing from Minnesota westward across the Missouri 
river, sought to force their way through Nebraska toward the south; while 
at the same time the Cheyennes, Comanches and Kiowas were attempting 
to wrest from them (the Pawnees) the hunting-grounds toward the south- 
west; an unequal warfare, that was relentlessly waged from both directions 
for nearly a century. Against such une<iual odds— as it were, between the 
-4 



50" Kansas State Historical Society. 

upper and nether millstones— the tribe was gradually worn down to scarcely 
more than a remnant of their former selves. To this issue the designing 
whites upon the frontier materially contributed. The tribe, notable as long 
being sincere friends of the whites, merited a better recompense. 

In this connection there is a certain phase in our knowledge of the Qui- 
virans and their lineal descendants, the Panis, or in its latest form, the 
Pawnees, that is entitled to special mention. In the surviving records of the 
early explorers and settlers in the west and southwest, as also in the east 
and northeast, there is found frequent reference to the presence in'those re- 
gions of Pani slaves. The coming of such unfortunates.from that direction 
soon became a famihar fact throughout Canada, in the province of New York, 
and to a less degree in other eastern settlements. There is repeated refer- 
ence to them in the Canadian archives. In like manner Pani slaves were 
becoming known in considerable numbers as far southwest as New Mexico, 
and even into Chihuahua, as the existing state and ecclesiastical archives 
still amply certify. The natural inference in both cases was to the effect 
that all such persons were really of Quiviran stock. That the Quivirans, 
when earliest known, were really of a pacific nature, never engaging in overt 
hostilities save as a last reluctant resort, has been already brought to notice. 
The easy enlargement of the statement would make it appear that they were 
evidently known as a spiritless people, so bereft of the Indian's fondest am- 
bition, to become known as a warrior, as to passively permit themselves or 
their children to be taken prisoners at will and bartered as abject slaves 
from tribe to tribe into either of the countries before mentioned, is, unless 
the actual conditions be clearly understood, to say the least, somewhat sur- 
prising. A natural interest in the tribe prompted me, therefore, some years 
since, to venture an investigation of the matter, with a view to ascertain- 
ing more exactly just how much of genuine foundation there might be to 
justify the time-honored assertion. 

Long since the tribe, occupying in Kansas and Nebraska an intermediate 
position between the Mississippi river and the Great Lakes toward the east 
and northeast and New Mexico toward the southwest, came to be regarded 
with no friendly feelings by other tribes roundabout, as holding by right of 
long occupancy a somewhat strategic or central position, as it were, upon 
the natural highway between the two extremes — the remote lake region and 
the southwest. As early as the arrival of Coronado in Quivira, the fact was 
developed that the Quivirans were already familiar with the Pueblo Indians 
of New Mexico, while the Pueblos had equally intimate knowledge of the 
Quivirans. The two guides, Xabe and Isopete, who conducted Coronado in 
his final direct march to Quivira, were themselves natives of that country, 
and had served as slaves in New Mexico till ransomed by Coronado. As 
there were existing hostilities between the two tribes, there were no doubt 
Pueblo slaves in equal numbers held by the Quivirans or Pawnees. Experi- 
ence, however, soon developed the fact that such slaves, if retained in bond- 
age by their captors so near their old home, were not always safe property. 
They were naturally eager to escape and return to their kindred, as their 
tribe was equally desirous to recover them, and at the same time retaliate 
in kind upon the captors. 

Such conditions, unless the tribes were remote from each other, naturally 
became intolerable, and so a system soon came into vogue to avert the un- 
pleasant exigency. The Pawnees, finding by familiar experience that cap- 



The White Man's Foot in Kansas. 51 

tives from tribes too near by in either direction were liable to be raided from 
them by their kinsmen from the southwest or east, and so were an element 
of danger to them so long as they were in their midst, gradually developed 
a system of transferring them at the earliest opportunity to distant tribes. 
Those coming to them from the region of New Mexico were conveyed from 
tribe to tribe to the lake country, and even so far as lower Canada; while 
those from the northeast or east were bartered to tribes in the southwest. 
In whichsoever direction they were marketed, the fact of their coming from 
the Panis was of course soon known. Whether it originated in a natural mis- 
take, or was the nature of an aboriginal jeu d'espnt, the Indians into whose 
hands the captives came soon learned to designate them as Panis slaves, as 
if they were of the bona fide Pani stock. Though coming into the hands of 
the Pawnees from diverse tribes, near or remote, they were known in trade 
as Panis only, a people that in current belief among tribes that did not know 
them were believed to be so inert and spiritless as to suffer their children to 
be ravished from them at the will of their enemies and sold into remote, ab- 
ject bondage. To such a depth, then, the well-known and widely-known 
warriors les gentelhommes du prairie, as the French voyageurs styled them, 
who for two and a half centuries traversed and controlled at will the domain 
of Kansas, Nebraska and eastern Colorado had sunk ! Credat Judxus Ap- 
pella! 

At this point it may be permitted to revert briefly to our previous 
acquaintances, the Escansaques. Living, as we have seen, apparently for 
some time upon the southern and eastern confines of the Quivirans, indulg- 
ing meanwhile the fond hope that they might ultimately dispossess them 
entirely, and so become themselves heirs to the fair domain of Kansas and 
Nebraska, they were to their bitter disappointment at last constrained to 
dismiss their sanguine anticipations and turn reluctantly again as wanderers 
to seek a resting-place elsewhere. For a considerable period thereafter no 
specific mention of them appears. Half a century later, however, to our 
great surprise, intelligence is had of them as occupying by actual possession, 
it would seem, territory in latitude 46-, longitude 12', a statement the ac- 
ceptance of which makes necessary awkward concessions. To concede such 
a migration as a veritable occurrence we are obliged to assume that, dis- 
couraged at last as to achieving any substantial advantage over the Quivirans, 
they migrated toward the west and, as they neared the mountains, bore for 
an indefinite distance toward the northwest. That some early Indian mi- 
grations were surprising and erratic is a familiar fact, but in this case the 
conditions presuppose a too facile credence; for the statement soon follows 
that they are again at no great distance from the Quivirans or Pawnees. 

That they were still numerous is manifest from the fact that they were 
said to maintain a constant force of 5000 men in active service. Each year, 
moreover, in the month of February, they raided upon the Pawnees, destroyed 
one or more villages, massacred all that were capable of bearing arms, but 
saved all that were ten years of age or less, as all such had a marketable 
value. Later, in midsummer, they appeared regularly in New Mexico, /. i\, 
at Santa Fe, with these captives and great stores of tanned skins. The 
latter they exchanged for meal and (lour for use in diversifying their diet. 
The captive children they offered for sale. If at the close of the fair any 
of these children were left unsold, their owners immediately decapitated 
them in the public market. When the report of such savage conduct 



52 Kansas State Historical Society. 

reached the Spanish court, the king at once issued instructions that hence- 
forth any such unfortunates thus exposed to cruel death should be ransomed 
by the authorities in New Mexico with funds supplied for that purpose from 
the royal treasury. The record states that such a butchery occurred as 
late as 1694. In view of the entire disappearance of the tribe soon there- 
after from the early annals of our western history, it requires no stretch of 
imagination to conceive that, as they had meted out to others. Providence 
\ forgot not that like requital should be returned to them. 

In connection with Onate's sojourn in Quivira there occurred an incident 
in lighter vein that may serve quite pleasantly as an illustration of the com- 
parative facility of the versatile Indian and the more stately Spaniard in 
the casual matters of diplomacy. As the Spanish force was nearing a large 
village, the camp at the close of day was pitched upon the southern margin 
of a river, presumably the Kansas, that lay between them and their desired 
destination. The chief of the village at once dispatched an envoy with a 
select escort to meet and welcome the command; but as they approached 
the stream, catching sight of some of their enemies, the Escansaques, in 
the camp, the dignitary began to hesitate as to the wisdom of proceeding 
further. Onate, upon learning the dilemma, fearing that further friendly 
intercourse might be interrupted, conceived a scheme to quietly send a body 
of chosen men by a detour that would preclude the envoy discovering the 
movement. Handing the leader some gyves, he instructed them to proceed 
leisurely along the stream till they were beyond the view of the embassy, 
then cross the river, and close rapidly into the rear of the envoy, seize him, 
place the gyves upon him and bring him at once across the river into the 
camp upon their shoulders. The charge was of course undertaken, and in 
due season the captive envoy was placed before the governor. 

So far the adroit device well answered its purpose. The Indians were 
now entitled to their opportunity. Shortly after, the surprise having some- 
what abated, one by one a few Indians straggled demurely into the camp; 
unarmed, with a child-like absence of guile, they were complaisantly pre- 
pared to evince surprise or admiration at every turn. This role was quietly 
maintained till even the astute Spaniards were apparently satisfied that no 
further thought need be bestowed upon such guileless children of the wild 
prairies. In due time, however, at an hour when their entertainers were 
busily occupied in burnishing their arms and armor preparatory, as they an- 
ticipated, to making an imposing entry into the Quiviran village, a rumor 
hurriedly spread that the captured embassador was nowhere to be found. 
Hasty investigation developed that the report was correct. His rustic 
friends had meantime quietly gained access to his place of confinement and 
spirited him from the camp, gyves and all. no Spaniard taking note thereof. 
Onate was wise enough to waive all attempt to name a committee of inves- 
tigation. There was, therefore, no breathless hurrying to and fro. The 
quiet in the camp was impressive. Evidently the adroit maneuver had 
proven to be of a nature that suggested silence as wisdom. The Spaniard 
had been squarely met upon his own ground, after his own example, and had 
borne off no honors. 

Certain expressions in the surviving fragmentary record of Onate's tour 
of exploration seem to indicate that his intention was to explore more gen- 
erally and carefully the entire region of Quivira, including what is at present 
central and eastern Kansas, as well as a considerable portion of Nebraska. 



The White Mcui's Foot hi A'«/w«.s', 53 

The manifest indications are to the effect that he had been especially pleased 
with the country so far as yet seen, as well as with its inhabitants, the 
Quivirans. That they were to such an extent already pioneers in the amia- 
ble art of agriculture, and were also evidently desirous to live in entire 
amity with adjacent tribes, seems to have pleasantly awakened an interest 
in them. But unfortunately all his further plans were abruptly suspended 
by the reception of unexpected intelligence from New Mexico, to the effect 
that his immediate presence was necessary there. During his absenceitseems 
that a certain element among the colonists there, quite probably the very 
ones whom he had brought thither and established as farmers upon lands 
suitable for such enterprises, and thus far perhaps supported at his own ex- 
pense, had during his absence ventured to foment dissatisfaction among 
their fellow settlers, with the natural result that a considerable number, 
abandoning everything, had abruptly set about returning to Mexico. Upon 
his hurried arrival in New Mexico the goyernor found too soon that his fond 
expectations were sadly marred. 

Just where the real fault rested it is difficult to state exactly ; nor does 
the discussion of the actual conditions as Ofiate found them relate directly 
to the subject that concerns us here. The consideration most pertinent in 
this connection is that the abrupt, unexpected departure of Ofiate for New 
Mexico dispelled for all time a scheme that had already apparently been 
developed in his mind while engaged in his Quiviran explorations. The 
descriptive terms applied to the country, so far as visited, summed up in 
the concise epithet, a veritable land of promise, suggest that, in comparison 
with the general aridity prevalent in New Mexico, the governor may 
have been quietly considering whether his further generous efforts in colon- 
izing might not with advantage be transferred to the more remote but far 
more promising province of Quivira. Such a transfer once on foot and suc- 
cessful might to our future disadvantage have restricted our final develop- 
ment to limits far short of our present western frontier. The fortunate 
result was manifestly controlled by a power higher than ourselves. 



BIOGRAPHY OF JOHN BROWN DUNBAR. 

Written for the Kansas Stule Historical Society by Miss Zu Adams, Assistant Secretary. 

THIS author, John Brown Dunbar, is well qualified to speak on the sub- 
jects of the accompanying articles. Reared by parents striving for the 
mastery of the Pawnee and kindred tongues and for insight into the Indian 
character, he naturally acquired the knack of languages and a never-failing 
interest in the history of our native tribes and of the southwestern United 
States. His father. Rev. John Dunbar, was a native of Palmer, Mass., 
born March 7, 1804, graduated from Williams College in 1832, and later 
from the Auburn Theological Seminary. While at the seminary he received 
his appointment to missionary work among the western Indians. May 1, 
1834, he was ordained at Ithaca, N. Y., as a missionary of the American 
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, by the Cayuga Presbytery, 
the sermon being preached by Rev. Nathaniel E. Johnson, of Cortlandville. ' 
Mr. Samuel AUis, jr., a native of Conway, Mass., who accompanied Mr. 
Dunbar in his missionary work, says, in the history of the mission published 
by the Nebraska Historical Society in its second volume of Transactions: 
"In the winter of 1834, the [Reformed Dutch] Church of Ithaca was de- 
sirous of raising funds to support a mission among the Indians, and conse- 
quently made known their object to the American Board of Commissioners 
for Foreign Missions. The board approved and accepted their proposition, 
and found a Rev. John Dunbar who was willing to go. He came to Ithaca, 
and, with Rev. Samuel Parker and myself as assistants, was fitted out by 
the church under the patronage of the above-named board of missions. We 
left in the spring of 1834 [May 5], with instructions to cross the Rocky 
Mountains and penetrate to the 'Flatheads or Nez Perces. '" 

The party arrived at St. Louis May 23, and found that the traders to the 
mountains, whom they had intended to accompany, had already gone. As- 
certaining from Maj. John Dougherty, agent to the Pawnees, that mission- 
aries were needed among that tribe, Mr. Dunbar and Mr. Allis, as their 
instructions provided, decided to visit the Pawnees, and if advisable enter 
into missionary work there. In June they proceeded up the Missouri river 
to Cantonment Leavenworth, where they were treated with much hospitality 
by Majors Thompson and Morgan and their ladies. Being necessarily de- 
tained by the absence of Major Dougherty, the missionaries occupied them- 
selves in acquiring a knowledge of the Indian character and habits by 
mingling with the missionaries among the Delawares, Shawnees and Kick- 
apoos. Mr. Berryman, stationed with the latter tribe, very kindly furnished 
them with a home for some weeks. They also visited Independence, Mo., 
then the scene of Mormon disturbances. On the 22d of September the mis- 
sionaries left Cantonment Leavenworth, and proceeded to Council BlutTs,- 
attended the distribution of annuities, and were presented to the Pawnee 
chiefs. October 19 the Pawnees started on their winter's tour by the way 
of their villages on the Platte. Mr. Dunbar accompanied the second chief 

Note 1.— Am. Bd. of Comm'rs for For. Miss. Miaaionaru Herald. IXU. p. iTT. 

Note 2.— Council Bluffs, a tra<iinK'-poat frequented by the Otoes. Oniahas. l<>wa.s. and some- 
what by the Pawnees, was situated alH)ul twenty-seven miles above the mouth of the IMntte 
river, upon the western bank of the Missouri. As early aa 1832 it had, however, fallen into decay, 
and was 8<K>n after abandoned. — J. B. 1). 

(55) 



56 Kansas State Historical Society. 

of the Grand Pawnees,-' and Mr. Allis the Pawnee Loups, being separated 
from each other until the following spring, when the Indians returned to 
their permanent villages in time to plant their corn. The village of the Grand 
Pawnees was situated on the south side of the Platte, about 120 miles from 
its mouth. The Indians treated the missionaries with great kindness through- 
out the long journey, which terminated in March, 1835. 

During the summer and winter of 1835 Messrs, Dunbar and Allis again 
accompanied the Indians, receiving the same kind treatment, and directing 
their attention principally to the acquisition of the language. In this Mr. 
Dunbar made such proficiency as to be able to understand nearly all the In- 
dians said and to express his thoughts with little difficulty on common topics, 
but could as yet make himself but very imperfectly understood on religious 
subjects.* 

Dr. Benedict Satterlee, of Elmira, N. Y., joined the Pawnee mission at 
the agency at Bellevue,'' about 130 miles from the Pawnee country, May 27, 
1836, his wife, Miss Martha A. Mather, of Fairfield, N. Y., having died at 
Liberty, Mo.,^ while on her way to the new field. Miss Emeline Palmer, of 

Note 3.— This chief, Sarecherish, Angry Chief, spite of his ominous name, was a very com- 
panionable and interesting- personage : to his fello-w tribesmen he was ever a kindly adviser and 
helpful friend. Though a subordinate in rank, a second chief, he was one of the most respected 
and influential dignitaries of the tribe in time of peace or war. To Mr. Dunbar, his long-time 
guest and associate, he was to the day of his death a wise counsellor and steadfast, generous 
friend. His tragic death was characteristic and noteworthy. Ever since the coming of Mr. Dun- 
bar and Mr. Allis the Dakotas had viewed with hostile intent the efforts making for the estab- 
lishment of a mission among the Pawnees. Repeated forays were accordingly made nearly 
every year, during the absence of the tribe upon the annual summer hunt, with a view to cut- 
ting down the growing corn-fields and burning the permanent lodges in the vacant villages. 
The.se recurring depredations were so serious that in 1843 it was decided that about sixty braves, 
together with a considerable number of the aged and feeble, who could ill-endure the fatigue of 
the hunt, as well as a number of children, should be allowed to continue at the village to be 
protected by the sixty guards who. under the control of Sarecherish, were to keep a vigilant 
eye upon any further attempted devastation of the corn-fields. As time passed occasional signs 
of a few wandering Dakotas were noted in the vicinity, but no overt annoyance or injury was 
received. Herein his first and only error was made. Sarecherish had allowed himself to im- 
agine that the few roaming Dakotas seen were a matter of indifi'erence. On the contrary they 
were cautiously spying out existing conditions. The Dakota scouts had made report to their 
band, nearly 200 strong, that matters in the village were favorable for an onslaught. That 
night a force of nearly 200 warriors quietly crossed the Loup Fork, and secreted themselves in 
the dense bushes and vines that covered the low ground lying between the village and the river 
for a distance of a quarter of a mile. 

As usual, at the earliest indication of approaching dawn, June 27, 1843, Sarecherish mounted 
one of his ponies, and, the rest following, rode down into the bushes and by a narrow pathway 
directed his course toward the river. A short distance only was made ere an enemy concealed 
beside the path sprang toward the chief, who was entirely unarmed, and with a heavy knife in- 
flicted a ghastly wound across his abdomen. The pony at the same instant made a demivolte 
and galloped toward the village. The dying chief made an eff'ort to retain his protruding bowels 
in their place, but in vain. They fell to the ground and were trodden on by the terror-stricken 
pony. Upon reaching the village the chief was able to sound the alarm cry and instantly fell to 
the ground dead. This statement to an outsider may savor much of an appeal to an amiable 
credulity ; yet the entire account is the simple truth, unadorned and plain. 

Meantime nearly 200 Dakotas, fully armed for the fray, were pressing eagerly toward the 
village. The Pawnees had scarcely time to take refuge in their earthen lodges ere the enemy 
had mounted the lodges and were discharging their arrows at the inmates through the open 
smoke holes. The Pawnees within were equally busy in discharging their arrows and firearms 
through holes made in the lodge walls at their enemies, as opportunity offered. The desultory 
fighting continued at intervals till midday and after. Finally the enemy gradually began to re- 
tire, taking with them their wounded and dead. Their actual loss was never ascertained : proba- 
bly not more than forty braves were killed, and a large number wounded more or less seriously. 
-J. B. D. 

Note 4.- Am. Bd. Comm'rs For. Miss. Report, 1836, pp. 97. 98. 

Note 5 — Bellevue was a trading-post nine miles above the mouth of the Platte, upon the 
same side of the Missouri. Its name to this day, an unfaded reminiscence, is still fondly cher- 
ished. One of the large photos of Maximilian Prinz Zu Wied's narrative of his travels in this 
country, during the years 1832-'33-"34 presents an admirable view of the place at that date. In 
the trading-house, as there seen, I was born; when the mission with the Pawnees was abandoned, 
a sojourn of nearly two months was passed in that building. The recollections of those days are 
vivid still, though not an object about which they cluster so ardently now survives. The mighty 
river alone remains ever the same.— J. B. D. 

Note G.— The sudden death of Mrs. Satterlee was regarded by all members of the mission as 
a grievous loss. For some years she had hopefully anticipated engaging in that work. For a 



The Uliite Man'i^ Foot in Kansas. 



57 




e: 




58 Kansas State Historical Society. 

Ithaca, N. Y., had accompanied the Satterlees, and was united in marriage 
with Mr. AlHs, at Liberty, April 23, 1836. They concluded to remain at 
Bellevue, where they could continue their work among the Pawnees who 
visited the agency, and with the nearer tribes of Omahas and Otoes. Doctor 
Satterlee accompanied Mr. Dunbar on the summer hunt among the Pawnees 
till their return to the village, early in September. • 

It was during the year 1835 that Mr, Dunbar was able to give valuable 
assistance to C. A. Murray, the English traveler, who published an account 
of his experiences in a volume entitled "Travels in North America, Includ- 
ing a Summer Residence among the Pawnee Tribe of Indians," London, 
1841. 7; 

In September, 1836, Mr. Dunbar returned to Massachusetts, to confer 
with the authorities concerning the interests of the Pawnee mission, and 
there married, January 12, 1837, Miss Esther Smith, born at Hadley, August 
17, 1805. During this visit, which detained him until February, 1837, he 
superintended the printing of a small elementary book of seventy-four pages, ^ 
which he had prepared in the Pawnee language. The edition numbered 500 
copies. They arrived at Bellevue on May 6, 1837, where they began house- 
keeping in an old trading-house.'' 

In September, 1839, Messrs. Dunbar and Allis visited the Pawnee villages, 
and, after a conference with the chiefs, selected a site for the mission and 

time her decision was delayed because of symptoms of consumption. These indications with due 
care soon disappeared, and at the solicitation of Doctor Satterlee she decided to join the Pawnee 
mission. During the journey westward in midwinter she unhappily contracted a severe cold. 
While delaying- a few days at St. Louis, the indications of the dread disease developed. She was 
advised, however, by a physician, that the drier air upon the Upper Missouri would be beneficial 
to her. Upon the way she rapidly became weak, and after landing- from the boat at Liberty. Mo., 
she rapidly declined till, during the last week in April, 1836, death ended her hopeless suffering. 
" Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord." — J. B. D. 

Note 7. — The "valuable assistance" tendered to Mr. Murray is conspicuous by its absence in 
the published volumes. His opinion of Mr. Dunbar as therein expressed is by no means favor- 
able, and for reason. His habitual attitude toward the Indians was not complaisant, candid, nor 
grateful, though with them as their guest. More than once he sought advice from Mr. Dunbar, 
as to his manner toward the Indians, and uniformly rejected it as soon as uttered. Finally, after 
two schemes had been mooted by some of the Indians to relieve themselves of his presence, each 
of which, atlthe solicitation of Mr. Dunbar, was thwarted by Sarecherish, he was told plainly 
that his only safe course was to withdraw quietly, if possible unbeknown, and endeavor to make 
his_ way rapidly to Fort Leavenworth, nearly 200 miles distant. For once, the only instance of 
the kind on record, he accepted the salutary advice.— J. B. D. 

NOTK 8. — The booklet in the Pawnee tongue, prepared for use by Mr. Dunbar in the contem- 
plated school for the Indian children, was soon after in actual use. So genei-al was the interest 
manifested in the school as conducted by Mr. Allis that some of the adults asked to be allowed to 
learn to read. The call for the books was constant, but of course only children were allowed to 
use them. When the mission was suspended very few of the booklets remained. I have one, 
and know of only four or five others.— J. B. D. 

Note 9.— September, 1836, Mr. Dunbar returned to Massachusetts to confer with the authori- 
ties concerning the interests of the Pawnee mission. Meantime Doctor Satterlee, in the fall 
of 1838, accompanied the Grand or Chaui Pawnees upon their winter hunt. The winter proved 
unusually severe and they therefore extended their hunt further than usual toward the remote 
Southwest, to a distance of more than 300 miles. Some of their .scouts one day brought in word 
that they had met a small party of Cheyennes, who intimated that their tribe was desirous of 
establishing i)eaceable relations with the Pawnees. An interview was accordingly arranged, 
largely through the efforts of Doctor Satterlee, about the 10th of April, 1837, and a pacific under- 
standing was reached, subject to the approval of the chiefs of the two tribes in a general council. 
Nearly a month later word was had from two trappers that while descending the southern branch 
of the Platte, distant nearly 200 miles, they had met the doctor with two Pawnee guides moving 
eastward. A few days later word was brought that, during a severe snowstorm of two or three 
days, the doctor and his guides had disagreed as to the proper course to be followed in order to 
reach the Pawnee villages. Unable to agree, they were allowed to choose their own route, while 
the doctor, as soon as his horse was sufficiently recruited, would proceed alone, guided by his 
pocket compass. May 17 the Pawnees came to Bellevue to receive their annuities. They reported 
that they had not seen or heard of him since his guides left him. One of the chiefs expressed 
fear that he might have met with foul treatment by the way. The only hope expressed was that 
he might have turned westward and reached one of the trappers' forts upon the upper Platte. 

Mr. Dunbar, returning from the East, anxiously inquired of every trader's boat, as it de- 
scended the Platte, but day by day no word was received from any source concerning his absent 



The White Man's Foot in Kcnisas. 59 

farms, on Council and Plumb creeks,'" on the north side of the Loup Fork 
of the Platte, about thirty miles from their junction, and from 100 to 125 
miles from Bellevue, and about eight to fifteen miles from the principal vil- 
lages of the Pawnees. In 1840 the Pawnees had bad luck in the chase, and 
were inclined to see the advantages of better methods of farming. In May, 
1842, a number from each of the four Pawnee bands moved to the vicinity 
of the farm and mission. Mr. Allis received an appointment as government 
teacher to the Pawnees in 1841, and Mr. George B. Gaston as farmer. The 
mission families removed to the new station in May, 1841, and were kindly 
met by the chiefs with an abundance of buffalo meat and corn. At first 
Mr. Allis's family was separated some miles from Mr. Dunbar's, but in Jan- 
uary, 1844, for safety, they were removed to within three miles of Mr 
Dunbar at the upper station. For some years back the Pawnees had been 
sadly annoyed by the Sioux, who would come singly or in small parties, 
driving off horses, or killing such stragglers as they might encounter about 
the Pawnee villages. 

In 1843 the force at the new settlement was increased by a teacher, three 
farmers, two blacksmiths and two helpers; but the settlement of govern- 
ment employees among the Pawnees seemed to incite more persistent hos- 
tilities on the part of the Sioux. They seemed to be offended because of 
the interest shown toward promoting the welfare of the Pawnees, and so 
redoubled their attacks upon them. On the 27th day of June, 1843, "early 
in the morning, a strong party of Sioux came upon one of the Pawnee vil- 
lages by surprise, when a course of fighting and plunder ensued which 
lasted till midday, and resulted in the killing of G7 Pawnees, wounding 20 
others, seizing about 200 horses, and burning 20 out of 41 lodges of which 
the village was composed. Some children were taken captive. Some of the 
most important chiefs and braves, and those most favorable to the improve- 
ment of their people, were killed. The battle was a mile from the mission 
house and in plain view." The Sioux attack resulted in the destruction of 
many of the Indian corn-fields. While the Pawnees had been assembling at 
their new residence, they had required much of Mr. Dunbar's time and at- 
tention, so that he had not been able to give stated religious instruction, but 

brother. At last, however, amoriK a number of trappers who were descending the Platte in care 
of their boats, laden with furs taken durinur the winter and early sprinsr, a younR man was met 
who had been with Mr. Dunbar and Doctor Satterlee durinR the buffalo hunt of the jirevious 
summer. He rei)orte<i that while descending: the river about 150 miles west of the Grand Pawnee 
village, near the river bank they had found a blanket marked /i. Satterlee. a >run uprigrht with its 
muzzle fixed in the jrround, shre<ls and fragments of clothinx. a silver pocket pencil, leaves of a 
small memorandum book, two letters entrusted to him at the fort to be forwarded to the East, 
essentially uninjured, and Knawed human bones. While the doctor was at these forts he had ex- 
changed some of his clothintf for heavier jrarments. Several of the garment.-* thus obtained by 
him were easily recognized. The exact cause of his death was never ascertained. Evidently he 
had not been killed Ijy Indians. He had probably become bewildered, and wandered for some 
time, not knowing what course to take: (luite possibly also he had l)een unable to secure any 
sustenance after the small supply obtainecl at the forts was exhausted, and at last, too weak to 
proceed further, he set up his jrun as a signal of distress, and resiurne<i himself to his fate. Thus 
within a year after the pathetic demise of his consort Providence called him to join her in a bet- 
ter country. 

During his brief ministry with the tribe he had by his me<lical services rendered! himself ex- 
tremely useful. His kindness to them in times of distress and sutferinu was unceasinir, and more 
than a generation after his death his name and traits were still rememb«>re»l.— J. B. D. 

Note 10. — I am much mortified that I may not at this distance jrive any exact topofrraphical 
information as to Plumb or Council creek, nor as to the exact location of the buildintrs erected by 
the mission. In 1S77 I made a sketch of the grounds and i>f streams in or near them. The fol- 
lowint? winter I loaned them to a Nebraska jrentleman. Stmie time after they were lost Or stolen 
from him. I have had no opportunity since to replace them.— J. B. D. 

Note 11.— Am. Bd. Comm'rs for For. Mi.ss. Report. Ifvi;!, p. 1(58. See al.so note 3, paire 100. 



60 Kansas State Historical Society. 

during the winter of 1843-'44 he translated portions of the scripture into the 
Pawnee language. 

Rev. Timothy E. Ranney and wife joined the mission work in August, 
1844. "Never before have the Pawnees manifested so strong a desire to 
have their children reside with the missionaries and be instructed by them. 
Enough have been offered to constitute a large boarding school. . . . 
The missionaries have translated the Gospel of Mark into the Pawnee lan- 
guage. " ^^ In consequence of another attack upon the villages by the Sioux, 
in which Mrs. Allis was shot at, the missionaries resolved, after holding a 
council with the government employees, that it was not safe for them to re- 
main any longer, as in doing so they imperilled themselves and families. 
They therefore cached such goods as they were unable to take, and in 
August, 1846, departed for Bellevue with their families, having spent four 
years and four months with the tribe. Mr. L. W. Piatt took with him six- 
teen Indian children for their protection. 

I quote again from Mr. Allis: "We were in the country eight years, 
doing what we could to prepare the way, before we could move among them 
with our families. During that time Brother Dunbar and myself traveled 
with them some eighteen months for the purpose of acquiring a knowledge 
of their language, manners, and customs. The remainder of the time we 
were with our families at Bellevue, living in suspense, hoping that the way 
might be opened that we could go among them. During that time we had 
but little access to them, but more with the Otoes and Omahas, who were 
living most of the time near Bellevue. I could understand considerable of 
their language, especially that of the Otoes, whose language is pretty and 
easily acquired." 

Mr. Dunbar, soon after leaving the Pawnee villages, removed to Holt 
county, Missouri, and engaged in home missionary work. He purchased a 
farm near Oregon, the county seat, taught school, preached, and attended 
to his farm. Preferring to rear his family in a free state, he sold his farm 
in 1856 and removed to Kansas, and settled upon Wolf river, two miles west 
of the town of Robinson, in Brown county, where, March 16, 1857, he was 
appointed treasurer of the county board of commissioners. Mrs. Dunbar 
died there November 4, 1856, and Mr. Dunbar survived the loss only one 
year, till November 3, 1857. There were born to Mr. and Mrs. Dunbar 
seven children : 

Jacob Smith Dunbar, b. October 27. 1837, at Bellevue, Neb. ; mar. Dec. 15, 1875, at Evans, 
Colo., to Mattie Hodgen. Pi-esent residence, Evans, Colo. Children, b. Evans, Colo. : Frank 
B.. Sep. 26, 1876. Nellie J.. Sep. 22. 1877. 

Benedict Satterlee Dunbar, b. Mar. 6, 1839, at Bellevue, Neb. ; mar. ( first) Oct. 18, 1877, at 
Wabaunsee, Kan., to Ella A. Dibble, b. Jan. 6, 1849, at Guildford, Conn., d. without issue 
Nov. 28. 1891, atTopeka, Kan. ; mar. (second) Apr. 20. 1898. at Manhattan. Kan., to Nellie 
S. Griswold, b. Oct. 7, 1861, at Wabaunsee, Kan. ; no issue. Present residence, Manhattan, 
Kan. 

John Brown Dunbar, b. April 3, 1841, at Bellevue, Neb. ; mar. Aug. 22, 1876, atTopeka, Kan., 
to Alida Stella Cook. Present residence, Bloomfield. N. J. Children: Paul John, b. Oct. 27. 

1879, at ; in business at Fort Worth, Tex. Willis Cook, b. Sep. 7, 1881, at ; a 

chartered accountant at Dallas. Tex. Louis Smith, b. July 3, 1888, at Bloomfield, N. J. ; a 
student of architecture at University of Pennsylvania. 

Mary Dunbar, b. Dec. 13. 1842, at Pawnee Mission. Neb. ; mar. June 30. 1880. at Clifton Springs, 
N. Y., to H. S. Adams. Present residence, Clifton Springs, N. Y. Children : Hawley Foster, 
who resides in Chitago. 

Note 12.— Am. Bd. Comm'rs for For. Miss. Report, 1846, p. 197. 



Tlic White Man's Foot in Kansas. 61 

Saram Dunbar, b. Mar. 14. 184'). at Pawneo Mwsion. Nob.: d. Jun. 1. 1906, at De Smct. S. Dak.; 
mar. Jan. 5. 1870, at Topeka, Kan., to Barnett C. Benedict, b. in state of Connecticut. Pres- 
ent residence. De S met, S. Dak. Children: Esther Fannie, b. Oct. 8, 1870. at Wabaun.see, 
Kan.; Mary Charlotte, b. Feb. 28. 1872. at Wabaunsee. Kan.: Blanche, b. May 5, 1874, at Wa- 
baunsee, Kan.; Clifton, b. July 15, 1877, at Rochester, Minn.: Sarah Jewell, b. Nov. 28, 1381. 
atDeSmet, S. Dak.: mar. July 21, 19trj. at Do Smet, S. Dak., to Gilbert A. Benson. Their 
children: Dorothy, b. Jun. 14, 1903; Orrin. b. Nov. 29. 1905. Present residence, De Smet. S. 
Dak. 

Charlotte Ranney Dunbar, b. Jan. h, 1848, at OreRon. Holt county. Mo.: mar. Nov. 21. 1877. 
at Manhattan, Kan., to Geo. W. Hollenback. He wasa memljerof the Kan.sas House of Rep- 
resentatives, from Comanche county, legislature of 1891. Pre.sent residence, Lenexa, Kan. 
Children: Martha Zolma, b. Nov. 8, 1878, at Fort Scott, Kan.: Lottie Ruth. b. Jan. 31, 1881, 
at Fort Scott, Kan.: Benedict Dunbar, b. Jun. 28, 1883, at Coldwater, Kan.; George Massa. b. 
Sep. 27, 1886, at Coldwater, Kan. 

Martha Ann Dunbar, b. Feb. 25, 18,50, at Oregon. Holt county. Mo.: mar. (first) Feb. 10, 1882, 
at Wabaunsee, Kan., to Sherman J. Castle, who d. Nov. 3, 1893, at Jordan Valley, Ore. They 
had one son, Raymond S. Castle, b. Oct. 3. 1886, at Jordan Valley, Ore. She married (sec- 
ond), at Jordan Valley, F. C. Barton; no children. Present residence. Vail. Ore. 

John B. Dunbar received his primary education from his father, was one 
year at Hopkins Academy, Hadley, Mass., and p^raduated from Amherst 
College in 1864. He served in the civil war in the capacity of private, 
sergeant, and lieutenant in an independent light artillery company, one year 
in Louisiana and nearly two and a half years in Virginia. From 1869 to 1878 
Mr. Dunbar held the chair in Latin and Greek in Washburn College, Topeka, 
Kan, While here he married Miss Alida Stella Cook, whose parents, Mr. 
and Mrs. Caspar Cook, late of Rochester, N. Y., were for the time con- 
nected with the College. They have three sons, Paul John, born October 
27, 1879, in business in Fort Worth. Tex. ; Willis Cook, born September 7, 
1881, a chartered accountant, now at Dallas, Tex. ; Louis Smith, born July 
3, 1888, a student of architecture in the University of Pennsylvania. After 
leaving Topeka, Professor Dunbar became for three years superintendent 
of the public schools of Deposit, N. Y. Later he filled the same position 
for sixteen years in Bloomfield, N. J., and in 1897 became connected with 
the Boy's High School in Brooklyn, N. Y., where he still remains, while re- 
taining his residence in Bloomfield, N. J. 

Professor Dunbar is a philologist and deeply interested in the early his- 
tory and explorations of the Spanish and French in the southwestern United 
States. His library is especially rich in publications on this region and the 
languages of the native tribes of Kansas, Nebraska, and Missouri. In 
1872-'73 he assisted Father Gailland, of St. Mary's Mission, in the prepara- 
tion of a Pottawatomie grammar and dictionary, which, however, have not 
yet been published. He has also compiled, but not published, a brief grammar 
and partial vocabulary of the Pawnee language. In January, 1885, Professor 
Dunbar was elected a corresponding member of the Kansas State Historical 
Society. He has been a valuable member, assisting the Society in the pur- 
chase of many books, has prepared for it a bibliography of early Spanish 
and French authorities on the region, has always answered cheerfully queries 
relating to local names of Indian derivation, and in the accompanying pa- 
pers is generously sharing his wide knowledge with other students of Kansas 
history. He copied and presented to the Society, about ten years ago, the 
French text in manuscript of Bourgmont's journey in 1724, from Fort Or- 
leans, Mo., to the Paducas in western Kansas. 

Among other works, Mr. Dunbar has published the following: 



62 Kansas State Historical Society. 

The Decrease of the North American Indians. (In Kansas City Review 
of Science and Industry, September, 1880.) 

The Pawnee Indians: Their History and Ethnology (92 pp., ill. 8 vo.). 
(Reprinted from t\ie Magazine of American History , April, November, 1880; 
November, 1882.) 

An article on the Indian craze of a few years ago. 

The Pawnee Language; an appendix to George B. Grinnell's Pawnee 
Hero Stories and Folk Tales, as well as frequent material for use in other 
parts of the volume. 

The Life of an Indian (Pawnee) Boy. 

Indian Games. 

A Study of the Lipan Indians. 

A Comparison of the Usages of the Greeks of Homer's Day and the Paw- 
nees of 1850 and After. 

The Migrations of the Pawnee Clans or Subtribes. 

Professor Dunbar has aided various persons interested in Indian matters 
with information for publication by them, as Dr. Daniel G. Brinton, of Phila- 
delphia; Maj. Frank North, of Columbus, Neb. ; also several writers connected 
with the Bureau of Ethnology, at Washington. Most of his investigations 
are, however, still in manuscript. To Doctor Brinton, now deceased. Pro- 
fessor Dunbar furnished a collection of Indian songs— Pawnee, Arikara, 
Caddo and Wichita; also a paper on religious beliefs and usages, and a paper 
on medical practices as observed by the Pawnees. To Dr. John G. Shea, of 
Elizabeth, N. J., he furnished frequent assistance as to Indian matters, for 
use by him in his edition of Charlevoix's Travels in the United States, six 
volumes; in volume 1 of his History of the Catholic Church in the United 
States, as to various tribes. 



